Multilingual extension in Africa: The response to Ebola

Various earlier posts on this blog have discussed the importance of African languages in extension and development from general and tactical points of view (with particular reference to agriculture). Also during the course of the ebola epidemic in West Africa (which peaked in 2014-5), a number of posts looked at specific efforts to undertake health education and ebola awareness in various languages, and proposed systematically sharing, vetting, improving, and providing for re-use of translated and original materials in African languages.

This post looks from several different angles at multilingual messaging, including translation, over the course of the ebola epidemic. It will be followed by another post considering what strategies one might identify for future responses to emergencies - as well as less urgent public education needs - in multilingual contexts.

First, however, a quick note concerning summaries or evaluations of the linguistic dimension of the ebola response. As far as I am aware, there is no comprehensive overview or analysis. Reports from major organizations involved in the ebola response barely mention language (at the end of this post is a quick review). Perhaps the only report specifically on language and translation in the response was done by the international NGO Translators Without Borders, which was prominent in arranging translations of ebola materials into many languages (not just in West Africa): "Words of Relief  – Ebola Crisis Learning Review" (29 May 2015).  For a little bit broader view, but without pretense to completeness, I posted a summary largely reflecting content on this blog: "Ebola messaging in African languages - taking stock and looking ahead" (12 Dec. 2015, on LinkedIn). Both of the above proposed some lessons for the future.

Even lists of resources and websites, mainly done for reference or reporting during the period of the epidemic, are not comprehensive (for example, here). As I'll discuss below, one reason has to do with the scale or "layer" at which these operate, meaning that local activities either tend to be missed by international activities (which do the reports we see), or just aren't seen as falling in their scope. But it may also just be that information didn't travel or networks weren't connected. When researching ebola projects recently, for instance, I discovered an analysis of an interesting multilingual cellphone messaging project in Guinea called "Polly" from a group at Carnegie Melon University - something I personally had not seen mentioned elsewhere. Are there others?

Image by Chris55, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA 4.0

Ebola messaging in African languages

It is useful to disaggregate as much as possible several interrelated aspects of the process of responding to a crisis like ebola in a multilingual context: time; space; demographics of languages; the levels or layers of activity (international, national, provincial, local); modes of developing information in diverse languages (translation, interpretation, and creation^*); media (print, media, mobile, in person); and organizational policies.

• Time: Information about the epidemic came most quickly in English and French - official languages and main languages of media, the aid community, and the medical community. There was a lag in getting information in other languages of the affected countries. Major efforts to address this took a while to get going - according to TWB's report (cited above) its translation efforts began in November 2014 (though it seemed to have started some work in August), which was around the peak of the epidemic (per graph of cases above). Ad-hoc interpretation of incoming information on local levels (local radio, community meetings) was probably ongoing from relatively early in the cycle, with more organized efforts later on, though documentation is limited.
• Space: Three countries were most hard-hit by the epidemic, and within those some regions within them more so than others. Responses obviously tried to address those, but logistics and information (such as for ebola education) tend to move from center to periphery. Data, on the other hand, may move from periphery to center by one or another means. Neither is perfect, but they evidently took time, especially early in the epidemic, even where there was mobile technology. Since the spatial distances were accompanied by language differences (different languages, different varieties of a language, or even different competencies in a same language variety), there was added time and evidently more potential for misunderstanding. All of this is in theory - I have seen no discussions of spatial dimensions of the response (looking in particular for the impact on information flows).
• Linguistic demography: One dimension of linguistic demography is of course who speaks what where. Another is that on the country level, speakers of some languages are more numerous than others overall. Translations in languages more widely spoken on the national level were apparently done before less spoken ones. This makes sense on a broad scale but where less widely spoken languages dominate in a local areas, these likely were used orally (the backstory to the murder of health workers in Womey, Guinea included mention of local languages; a story from neighboring Côte d'Ivoire offered a peak at interpretation on the village level), but otherwise may not have received much attention. The only project I heard of that focused on translations in "smaller" languages was one organized by SIL in the neighboring Casamance region of Senegal (mentioned here).
• Levels/layers: International aid and NGOs, national administration and services, and local communities and their local and extra-local networks seemed to operate on different and often only selectively interacting levels, especially early in the cycle. This dynamic meant that what happened or was being said on one level may or may not have had (immediate) effect on, or even in the extreme not been known by the others. And where information and diverse languages are involved, gaps and even contradictions (the latter in the form for example of misinformation about what ebola is or its treatment) seemed to emerge fairly quickly especially in critical early stages of an emergency.
• Modes: Translation efforts focused on standard texts or posters, especially on the level of international aid and NGOs, but also some national level print media, and governmental and non-governmental entities. Interpretation and creation of information in African languages were more national and local in character - meetings, individual contacts, blogs. In the case of media (print, radio, TV) content about ebola, it is not clear the mode in which it was rendered in African languages (translation, interpretation, or creation^*). For example, two international organizations working with media - International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Catholic Relief Services (CRS) - had projects with community radio stations to broadcast messages in local languages, but in neither case was it clear how that was done (which languages, whether oral translation from Europhone scripts or scripts pre-translated in target languages, what training, etc.). An example of community contacts in local languages to spread information about ebola in Liberia was given by International Rescue Committee (IRC) - the person in the example was a physician assistant and evidently fluent in the target language, so able to put information in his own words ("creation" in this model) to fit the needs and questions/challenges as he encountered them.
• Media: Ebola messaging in African languages was conveyed on diverse media (print, poster, TV, radio, blogs, video, and mobile apps) as well as via community meetings and individual contacts. I am not aware of any studies of media activity during the ebola epidemic that might include discussion of languages used. An exception is information about mobile media used during the epidemic - "mobile-based interactive voice response technology," and apps like the SAWBO animations with African language voice-overs and the abovementioned "Polly." Also, an observation mentioned in an earlier posting that the dominant languages used in each means of communication tended to differ, such that in Nigeria supposedly the higher tech media used more English and the in person and community communication tended to be in first languages.
• Organizations and languages: The observation by Nadia Berger and Grace Tang based on TWB's work translating ebola messages that "translation is not always considered a priority by governments and aid agencies" echoes experience more generally in international development. This is a major structural hurdle to more effective use of African languages in response to crises like the ebola epidemic, in health education, and indeed in all aspects of development. Do organizations and agencies have policies with regard to languages in the multilingual societies struck by the epidemic, or was the linguistic dimension of their work handled as an incidental consideration really given less priority in the face of a very physical crisis, despite its relevance to successful public education and control of disease transmission?

With the latter point in mind, it is worth taking a quick look at whether and how language as a factor did or did not figure in reports of organizations involved in response to the ebola epidemic.

Language in reports on ebola responses?

Reports on ebola response efforts by Medecins Sans Frontiers, World Health Organization, and IRC did not mention languages or translation, nor did an analysis of the international ebola response by the UK Overseas Development Institute's Humanitarian Policy Group.

The U.S. Centers for Disease Control (CDC), to its credit, did in its report mention language as a factor: "The Road to Zero: CDC's Response to the Ebola Epidemic." (Recall that CDC's ebola information resources included a few in Malinké - a variety of Manding). The two specific mentions merit a closer look:

• A CDC worker with "intermediate" French worked with people Guinea's forest region, of which perhaps only one per village might speak French, to "translate important  health messages into the local language" and train local workers. An impressive effort, but the kind of situation where available language support - people with better French and acknowledged erudition in the local language(s) - could help assure accuracy of translations and messages in the local language. Also, since that part of Guinea has several local languages, it is not clear which was the focus of efforts
• A training of midwives and cleaners was held in the Malinké language "since they do  not speak French, the official language of Guinea." Looked at another way, a big reason to use an important first language and lingua franca like Malinké would be that this is understood better, and that an advantage of training using such languages is that it could arguably better prepare trainees for work with patients who may also speak them better than the Europhone official language, French. (Another possibility might be a bilingual format with relevant African and Europhone languages, arguably better preparing trainees for contexts they will encounter.) 

Reports or website content of all but a few of the 67 organizations on USAID-CIDI's list of NGOs involved in ebola response also did not discuss languages or translation (to be fair, a few of those which didn't were only involved in logistics of shipping supplies). CIDI's list is extensive, but notable among the omissions is TWB, certainly the most prominent international NGO facilitating translation of ebola materials. The exceptions which did mention language include:

• CRS, which like ICRC, highlighted work with community radio stations on local language messaging (see above). 
• InterHealth, with pages mentioning language in the context of use of mobile technology (per the interactive voice response mentioned/linked above).
• Although IRC's report did not mention languages, there was as mentioned above, at least one article on its site which did.
• Medical Teams International (MTI) has a facilitator's guide in which the topic of language is brought up in several contexts. 
• UNICEF had material mentioning a project for individual level contact in Krio in Sierra Leone, and "translation of outreach materials into local languages, including Gbandi, Lorma, Kissi, Mandingo and simple Liberian English" in Liberia.

Another organization on the CIDI list, Mali Health Organizing Project, used Bambara in its ebola response, as one would expect (for example in a factsheet), but did not mention this linguistic dimension in its report or website.

In all of these instances it would be helpful to have any materials developed/used for review (were they saved?) and incorporate them in archives for potential reuse (per 2Ds & 4Rs).

Perspectives of health workers & patients?

Another level at which language is important in such an epidemic is that of the interaction between health workers and the patients. For a glimpse of this issue, see two personal accounts by Western nurses about the language gap between them and patients (in Nurse.com and PIH.org). It would not of course have been possible to train foreign health workers in any of the local languages they would encounter, given the time factor, but one wonders if a couple of words or phrases might have made the difficult experience a bit more bearable for caregiver and patient (especially the younger ones).

See also "Multilingual extension in Africa: Framing the contexts"

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* Note on these 3 terms. On the first two, there seems to be a gap in the terminology: "translation," strictly speaking, refers to text, as distinct from "interpretation" being defined as oral and in person (physically or virtually). This leaves out what we might call oral translation, or interpretation of a source either received as text (announcer on radio reading in one language but giving the meaning in another) or heard in one language (in a meeting or on media) but transmitted orally in another language at a later time. These kinds of cross-language sharing are common in multilingual societies with rich oral traditions, and I suggest in this context they be considered as forms of interpretation (keep in mind the range of meaning of "interpretation" as an art). "Creation" is intended to cover instances where the writer (for example of a blog) or speaker (many possible scenarios) is conveying their understanding of a subject in their own words - which happen to be in a language different than that of the main international media, medical research, etc. Of course the lines among these three are not rigid, but I think it is useful to retain them as more or less archetypes of different ways information about ebola was communicated in African languages. (The neologism "transcreation" has specific applications, but might constructively be adapted for use somewhere within this space.)

Ebola information in Vai

Recent news of a new case of ebola in Liberia, and discussions such as that initiated by Bill Gates on preparedness for future possible epidemics, make the issue of developing health education resources in the first languages of potentially affected populations an ongoing and future priority.

Following up on previous postings of ebola information in various African languages, here is a translation in the Vai language of a FAQ on the virus from the World Health Organization, as transcribed in the Vai syllabary and in the exended Latin orthography. The translation and transcriptions were done by Tombekai V. Sherman and facilitated by Athinkra LLC. These are available in PDF format on Athinkra's Google site. Thanks to Charles Riley of Yale University for sharing the Word .doc versions, which are much simpler to copy into the blog.

Vai is spoken by over 100,000 people mainly in Liberia, but also in Sierra Leone.

The Vai syllabary is encoded in Unicode. To view the text, you may need to download a font. Free Vai fonts are available on Michael Everson's website. (See also the SIL Vai fonts page.)

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ꖦꖕꕰ ꕺꖃ ꗏ ꔳꘂ ꖴꗷ ꗏꗒꗡ ꕉꔱꔸꕪ ꕗꕴꔀ ꕞ ꖏꕎ

Dúúnyá kpolo lɔ tíyɛ́ kulɛ lɔndɔɛ áfíríka gbawoe lá kówa

ꖤꕢ ꖷꔧ ꘃ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ Iꕷꕞ ꕙꗐꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕞ

Túsá múĩ́ kɛ́ wáhátí kúluŋmɓa a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ ibhóla varɔ́si kiyaha la

ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꔳꕩ ꔈ ꕎ ꖏ? ꔤꕷꕞ ꔳꕩ ꕃꕩ ꗬꗷꕩꕌꔒ ꕎ ꖏ ꕉ ꘃꖷ ꕞ ꘊꘊ ꗪ ꗉꖺꗚ ꕉꖷ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ ꕉ ꕧꕴ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꕮ ꔧ ꘃꗺ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꕞ ꕉꖸꕊ ꗪ ꕃꔤꘂ ꗱ (ꗚ ꗅꘋ, ꖑꔓꕞ, ꔧ ꕴꖃ) ꕉꖷ ꕃꕩ ꔫꔤ ꕯ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꕎ ꗱ. ꕉꕌ ꘊꘊ ꗪ ꘃ ꗉꖺꗚ ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꗞ ꕘꕌ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖫ ꖝ ꗏ, ꘃ, ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉ ꕧꕌ. ꕉꔤ ꘊꘊ ꕪꕮ? ꕪꘋ ꖷ ꗏꔤ ꕙꖄꔻ ꘈꗢꖸ ꖸ ꔮꔷꘋꔕ ꗪ ꖦꖕꕰ, ꗞ ꕮ ꕉ ꗓ, ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꗏ ꕪꔒ ꕮꕊ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꔖꔜ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꖃꘋꕡ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꗏ. ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ, ꗞꗢ ꔖꔜꕯꕊ ꕩꕌ ꔬꕩ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖷ ꕉ ꖤꖕꔒꔀ ꘃꗺ ꔌꘋ ꕞ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꘈꗢ ꗪ ꕉ ꗏ. ꕃꕞꔤ ꔳ ꕎ ꘃ ꘃꖷ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂꔤ ꗞ ꔬꕩ ꕒꕡ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕩ ꖤꖕꔒꔀ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꕞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꗞ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪ ꗳ ꕉ ꕺꖃ ꗏ, ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꗚ ꕴꔤ, ꗷꔤ, ꕸ, ꗻꔤ, ꕔꔺ, ꔧ ꕉꖸ ꗃ ꗠꖻ ꖸ, ꔧ ꗏ ꕃꔷ ꔌꘋ ꖷꔧ ꗃ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕮꔧ.  ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꘊꘊꕰ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꗱ ꗚ ꘈꗻꔤ, ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꕞ ꕒꘋ ꖤꖕꕎ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꕞ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꕉ ꘃꖷ ꔻꔭꔤꔒ ꕞ ꔳ ꗳ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꕞ. ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꕎꕌꔳ ꔬꕩ ꔎꔒ ꗱꕞ ꗪ ꔎꔒ ꗞ ꕒꘋꔕ ꕉ ꗛꖺ ꗏꗒ ꗳ ꕮꕊ ꗏ ꘃꖷ ꕉꔤ ꗬꗷꕩꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕧꔤ ꕀꕩ ꕪꕮ ꔧ ꖏ ꖷ ꖸ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕩꕌ ꕮ ꗞ ꕺꖃ ꗏ? ꕃꕮ  ꗉꗟ ꘃ  ꖝ ꗏ ꗃ  ꕪꘋꗜꖺ ꖨꘋ  ꖨꘋ ꗓꕯꕊ ꖸ ꗪ ꖬꘂ ꖬꘂꗡ ꗏ  ꖝ ꗏ ꖨꘋ  ꖴꘋ ꖨꘋ  ꕪꔷ ꘈꗻ ꗚ ꗠꖻꗠꖻ ꕎꔤ ꕯ ꗞ ꔬꕩ  ꕪꔷ, ꕧ ꗅ ꗏ ꕧꕌꔒ, ꔻꖎ ꔻꖎ, ꕉꖷ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꗃꖺ ꖸ ꗏ, ꕴꔤ ꔳ ꗃꕯ ꕪꘋ ꖷ ꔰ ꖇꕱ ꗪ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꕮ.  ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉ ꕧꕌ ꕪꕮ? ꔤ ꖬꕮ ꘃꖷ ꔤ ꕮ ꖤꖕ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꔰ ꕞ ꕉ ꘃꖷꔧ ꗃ ꔤꕷꕞ ꗞꖻ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ ꖺ ꗞ ꖷ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪ ꕉ ꕞ. ꗞ ꖷꔧ ꕔꕌ ꗞ ꗷꔤ ꘈꗢ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꗐꕒ ꕸꕔꔤ ꔳ ꕉ ꕸꖃ, ꕉꖷ ꕧ ꗅ ꖴꕮ ꗱꗡ ꘈꗢꘈꗢꔧ ꔳ ꕉ ꕧ ꗅꗡ ꖸ ꖴꕮ, ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꖬꘋ ꕮ ꖝꘋꔕꔤ ꔳ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꔰ ꕧ ꕀꕩ ꔒꘋ ꗨꗡ ꗪ ꘃ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꖴꘋ ꔳꕩ ꕉ ꕞ, ꕉꖸꔧ ꕚꕌ ꕉ ꕞ ꕧꕮ ꘀꕇ ꕪꘋ ꘃꖷ ꕉꖸ ꖴꘋ ꕉ ꘀꗫꕩ ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗓ ꔎꘋ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ. ꕕ ꖷ ꗏ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗞ ꖸ ꘀꗫ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕞ  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸꔧ ꕘꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꗱ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗞꗢ ꘃ ꗏꖺꕎ ꔌꘋ ꗅꖤ ꗅꖤ ꗏ ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌ ꕚꕴ ꕧꕮ;  ꕕ ꖷ ꗞ ꖸꔧ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꔇꔀ ꕧꕮ ꘀꕇ ꕪꘋ ꔧ ꕉꕡꕌ ꗱꗡ ꘃ ꔤꕷꕞꕌ ꖴꘋ ꔳꕩ ꗞ ꕞ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꔰ ꕔ ꗱ ꗓꖺ ꗪ ꕮꕯ ꕉꕌ ꖏ ꕮ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌ ꕮ ꕧꘋꕨꕌ ꕎ ꘃ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕮꔕꔀ ꖸ ꕞ, ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗓ ꕃꕩ ꔫꔤ ꕞ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꖸ ꗱ ꗯꗷꘋ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꗪ ꗓ ꘃꕯ ꖽꔻꔪꕿꔀ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗱꗡ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ ꖏꕎ ꔧ ꕃꕞ ꖷ ꖸ ꗱ ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꘊꘊꕰ. ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꕞ ꔷꔤ ꖏ ꖸ ꕮ ꗚ ꕃꕞ ꖷ ꖸ ꗱ ꗞ ꖸꔧ ꕀ ꖺ ꕴꔤ ꔬ ꕉꖸ ꕙꕰꕊ ꖸ ꗏ ꔧ ꗓ ꘃ ꖷ ꔰ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕴꔤ ꖏ ꕞ, ꖺ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꗪ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꔧ ꗐꕒ ꘃ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ ꕀ ꗃ ꖏꕎ, ꔧ ꕀ ꖺ ꕴꔤ ꕢꕌ ꖴꖫ ꖷ ꔰ ꕉꖸꕩꕌ ꘃꕩ ꕔꔤ ꗏ, ꕉꖸꕊ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꔳ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕉ ꕢꔒ ꗪ ꘀꘉ ꔞꘋ ꖏꔀ ꖸ ꕮ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ. ꖽꔻꔪꕿ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꗏꗒ ꔰ ꕉꖸꕊ ꕃꔤ ꔌꘋ ꗏꔤ ꖸꔧ ꔳ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꗪꘋꕡ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꕮ, ꗚ ꕸꖃꕒꕌꕇ ꕮꔧ ꕈꕰꔒ, ꗏꖺꕎ ꕸꖃ ꕸꕔ, ꖬꘋ ꕮ ꖝꘋ ꔌꘋ, ꔧ ꕧ ꗅ ꕮ ꖝꘋ ꔌꘋ. ꗓ ꘃ ꗱ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꕕ ꕮꕊ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꕉꖸ ꔱꔷ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꗽꘉꔒꔤ ꔳ ꕞꕌꕃꔤ ꕪ ꗨꗡꘉꗢ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꕉꖸ ꘃ ꗏ ꕔꔤ ꗏ.  ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꖴꘋ ꗏ ꘊꘊꕰ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕞ ꖏꕞ ꗟꖺꔒꔀ ꖸ ꗱ ꖺ ꔉꔊ ꕧ ꖏꕞ ꖷ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕢꕌ ꕉ ꕮ. ꕕ ꖷ ꔌꘋ ꗷꔤ ꘈꗢꖸ ꖸ ꗽꘉꗷꔤ ꔳ ꕞꕌꕃꔤꕪ ꗨꗡꘉꗢ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꖤꖕ ꕉꖸ ꕞ.  ꔒꔟꕩ ꖷ ꔰ ꕮ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕞ ꗃꕎꘋ, ꖸ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꕮꔧ ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꔵ ꘃ ꕉ ꗏ ꘃꖷ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꗬꗡꔤ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗱꗡ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪꗡ ꕞ, ꔧ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉꕌ ꘊꘊꗢ ꕧꕌ, ꕉ ꕒꕢꔒ ꗪ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗞꔧ ꕘꕌ ꖏꔀ ꖸ ꖴꘋ ꔻꔤ. ꗞ ꖷ ꖸꔧ ꕘꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕼꕱ ꗱ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌꖸ ꕚꕴ ꕧꕮ ꔧ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕩꕌ ꔇꔀ ꖴꘋ ꗞ ꕮꔕ ꖸ ꔬꕩꕌ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꕃꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕞ ꔋꘋꔋꘋ ꖷ ꗱ ꗞ ꖸ ꖴꘋ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꔬꕩꕌ ꕉ ꗃ ꗱ ꕉ ꔳꕩ ꕴꔤ ꗱ ꕎ, ꔧ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꕩꕌꖸ ꕈꕰ ꖺ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰꔤ ꗃ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꔳ ꕧ ꘀꗫ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗛꖺ. ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꕩꕌꖸ ꕺꖃꔀ ꕞ ꕔꔺꘂ ꘀꗫ ꔻꔤꕯꕊ ꗱꕞ ꔎꔒ ꔰ ꖝ ꗏ, ꕉꖷ ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꕩꕌꖸ ꕮ ꕧꘋꕨꕌ ꗞ ꕮꔕ ꖸ ꕞ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕉꕡꕌ ꗱꗡꔒꔀ ꘃ ꕉ ꕺꖃꔀ ꗪ ꕔꔺꕯꕊ ꖺ ꕃꕮ ꗪ ꗻꗡꕯꕊ ꕉ ꕞ.

Ibhóla várɔ́si kiyaha tiya mɓe wá ko? Ibhóla tiya kiya kpɛlɛyáhalé wá ko a kɛ mú lá nyɛnyɛ ɓɛ fɔɔyɔ amu wáhátí kúluŋ ɓa a jáwo mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú ma hĩ kɛ́ndɛ́ feŋ mú nú kpãha mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú la anúã ɓɛ́ kiiyɛ fɛ (yɔ́ kpɔŋ, goréla, hĩ woló) amu kiya ɓhií na ibhóla varɔ́si wá fɛ. Aha nyɛ́nyɛ́ ɓɛ kɛ fɔɔyɔ amu a kuŋ mɔ faha wáhátí kúndú ɓú lɔ, kɛ́ mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha a jáha. Ai nyɛnyɛ káma? Kaŋ mú lɔ́í várɔ́si mɛɛ̃nú nu kpíliŋndé ɓɛ dúúnyá, mɔ má a sɔ tíŋ tiŋ, amu a lɔ kálé máã lɛ́i mú sénjé várɔ́siyɛ loŋnda mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú lɔ. wáhátí kúluŋ ɓa, mɔɛ̃ sénjénaã yaha ɓiya wáhátí mú a tuulée kɛ́ndɛ́ feŋ la a kɛ mú várɔ́si mɛɛ̃ ɓɛ a lɔ. Kílai ti wá kɛ kɛmú ibhóla varɔ́siyɛi mɔ ɓiya ɓanda mú lɔ́ɔ ya tuulée jí feŋ nú la mɔ ɓúunaã lɔ, mɔ lɛ́i mú kiyáha ɓɛ tɛ́ a kpoló lɔ, féŋ nú yɔ́ woí, lɛ́i, ɓo, sɛ́í, kpãndí, hĩ anú ɓɔ́ nyɔ́ɔ́ nú, hĩ lɔ́ kili feŋ múĩ́ ɓɔ mɔɛ̃ máí. A kuŋ nyɛ́nyɛ́nya féŋ nú fɛ yɔ́ mɛ́sɛí, a kɛ mú la ɓaŋ tuúwa jí feŋ nú la mɔ ɓúunaã lɔ, a kɛ mú símɓiilé la ti tɛ́ ibhóla varɔ́siyɛ la. A kuŋ wáhátí ɓíya télé fɛlá ɓɛ́ télé mɔ ɓáŋndé a kɔ́ɔ lɔndɔ́ tɛ maã lɔ kɛmú ai kpɛlɛyaha Ibhóla varɔ́isi kiyaha jái jiya káma hĩ kó mú nú kiyaha yaha ma mɔ kpoló lɔ? kímá  fɔ́nɔ́ kɛ́  gbú lɔ ɓɔ́  káŋngɔ́ɔ lúŋ  lúŋ sɔnáã nu ɓɛ́ suyɛ súyɛɛ lɔ  ɓú lɔ lúŋ  kuŋ lúŋ  kali mɛ́sɛ́ yɔ́ nyɔ́ɔ́nyɔ́ɔ wái ná mɔ ɓiya  kalí, já kpɔ́ lɔ jahalé, síyo síyo, amu kiya mɔɛ̃ ɓɔ́ɔ nú lɔ, woí ti ɓɔ́na kaŋ mú gbi sóó ɓɛ mɔ ɓúunaã ma. Mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha a jáha káma? I suma kɛmú í má tuu jí feŋ gbi la a kɛmúĩ́ ɓɔ ibhóla mɔɔ̃́ ɓúunaã lɔ ɔ mɔ mú ibhóla kiyaha ɓɛ a la. Mɔ múĩ́ kpãha mɔ lɛ́i mɛɛ̃ la, kpã mu rɔ́ɓa ɓokpai ti a ɓóló, ja kpɔ́ kuma fɛ̃ɛ́ mɛɛ̃mɛɛ̃ĩ́ ti a já kpɔɛ nú kuma, amu a súŋ ma ɓúŋndéi ti.  Mɔ mú gbi já jíyá leŋ pɛ́ɛ́ ɓɛ kɛ ibhólá kiyaha kuŋ tiya a la, anúĩ taha a la jama jɛnɛ kaŋ kɛmú anú kuŋ a jɛ́mɓɛya amu anúĩ sɔ téŋ kiya mɛɛ̃ la. kpã mu lɔ́ anúĩ mɔ nú jɛmɓɛ a ku mú nú kpãhalé tiya ibhóla kiya mɔɔ̃́ la.  Mɔ mú núĩ faha ibhóla fɛ, kpã mu anúĩ mɔɛ̃ kɛ rɔ́ɓa feŋ kpɔ́tú kpɔ́tú lɔ amu anúyaha tawo jáma;  Kpa mu mɔ núĩ kuŋndɔ ká ɓee jáma jɛni kaŋ hĩ andaha fɛɛ kɛ ibhóla kuŋ tiya mɔ la.  Mɔ mú gbi kpã fɛ sɔ́ɔ ɓɛ mána aha kó ma a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ ibhóla kiyaha la, kpã mú anú yaha ma jaŋnjaha wá kɛ kiya mɔɔ̃́ mandée nú la, amu anúĩ sɔ kiya ɓhií la ɓiya kííyɛ nu fɛ gbɛ́lɛ́ŋ.  Mɔ mú nú gbi ɓɛ sɔ kɛ́na hɔsipítoe, kpã mu anúĩ kuŋndɔ ká táŋndé fɛɛ a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiya mɛɛ̃ lá kówa hĩ kíla mú nú fɛ a kuŋ nyɛ́nyɛ́nya. kpã mu anúĩ lá lii kó nú ma yɔ́ kíla mú nú fɛ mɔ núĩ jí ɔ woí ɓi anú vanyáa nú lɔ ɔ sɔ kɛ́ mú gbi lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ woi ko la, ɔ jí feŋ mú nú gbi ɓɛ ɓúunáã lɔ, hĩ …... anúa ɓiya kííyɛi ti lɛ́i mú lɔ́ɔ a salé ɓɛ jɛni keŋ koe nú ma a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiya mɛɛ̃ la. hosipíto mɔɛ̃ nú lɔndɔ́ gbi anúa kili feŋ núĩ ti a kɛ mú ɓɛŋnda kiya mɛɛ̃ la ɓiya kííyɛ ma, yɔ́ ɓólóɓáhání máí nyínyalé, rɔ́ɓa ɓóló ɓokpa, súŋ ma ɓúŋ feŋ, hĩ já kpɔ́ kuma fɛ́ɛ́ mɛɛ̃mɛɛ̃. Sɔ kɛ́ feŋ mú nú kpã máã mɔĩ to anú fili, kpã mu anú zɛnɛléi ti lahakiika pɛ́ɛ́nɛ́ɛ̃ mɔĩ to anú kɛ kpái lɔ.  Lengéya mú gbi ma ibhóla la ɓɔwaŋ, nú mɔɛ̃ nú máí kpã mu anúĩ dí kɛ a lɔ kɛmú mɔɛ̃ nú kpɛ́ɛ́i kuŋndɔ ká táŋndé fɛɛ a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiyaha ɓɛ́ɛ la, hĩ lɛ́i mú mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha aha nyɛ́nyɛɛ̃ jáha, a ɓasalé ɓɛ lɛ́i mú mɔĩ faha kóe nú kuŋ sii. Mɔ mú núĩ faha ibhóla fɛ, kpã mu anúyahanú tawo jáma hĩ lɛ́i mú kiyáha ɓée kuŋ mɔ mandé nú ɓiyaha.  Mɔ mú nú kpãhalé tiya Kii mú kila gbeŋgbeŋ mú fɛ mɔ kuŋ kiya mɛɛ̃ ɓiyáha a ɓɔ fɛ a tiya woí fɛ wa, hĩ ji feŋ mú nú gbi ɓúu náã yahanú nyinya ɔ féŋ mú nú gbii ɓɔ ɓúu náã lɔ, mɔ mú nú kpãhalé tiya ibhóla mɔɔ̃́ la, kpã mu anúĩ ti já jɛ́mɓɛ́ táŋndé kɔ́ɔ. kpã mu anúyahanú kpolóe lá kpãndiyɛ jɛmɓɛ si náã fɛlá télé gbi ɓu lɔ, amu kpã mu anúyahanú ma jaŋnjaha mɔ mandée nú la wáhátíĩ́ mú lɔ́ɔ andaha fɛ́ɛ́lée kɛ a kpolóe ɓɛ kpãndi náã ɔ kimá ɓɛ sɛɛ náã la.

                                   Communication, Advocacy and Media Unit
                                   Telephone: + 472 413 9420, + 242 06 614 2401
                                   E-mail: afrgodrdcam@who.int
                                   Source: World Health Organization Regional Office for Africa

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Addendum (27 March 2015)

As far as I'm aware, there are 3 Unicode fonts that include the Vai script:

• Dukor (Evertype)
• Ebrima (African font provided with Windows 7)
• Wakor (Evertype; this is based on the old SIL Vai font, which is not Unicode)

When do Liberian languages bear mentioning in ebola reporting?

A recent Oxfam piece about door-to-door ebola education volunteers in the West Point township of Liberia's capital, Monrovia, is an interesting story about local level efforts to combat the epidemic...

Read how Oxfam door-to-door volunteers are helping prevent to #stopthespread of #Ebola in Liberia http://t.co/X9C50PxWsS
— Oxfam International (@Oxfam) December 25, 2014

However it tells us nothing about the important linguistic aspects of this communication and research effort in multilingual Liberia. What languages does a volunteer like the profiled Agnes Nyantie use in speaking with various people in West Point? What kind of training did she and colleagues receive in those languages? When she "meticulously" fills out visit forms, is she doing so verbatim, or translating from one spoken language to another written one (presumably English)?

It may be that all is done seamlessly in English (the official language), but given that Liberia is a country where 31 languages are spoken (per Ethnologue), that no first language is spoken by more than 20% of the population (per Aménagement linguistique dans le monde), and standard English is spoken by only about 20% of the population (per Fact Monster), that seems unlikely.

Liberian (Pidgin) English is spoken as a second language by around half the population, playing a role analogous to Krio in Sierra Leone, though not as widespread, and apparently not as standardized. So it may be that a lot of the conversations that would be part of work like that being done in West Point take place in the pidgin. However, would a non-standardized pidgin be used to fill out visit forms?

What about the first languages of Liberia in ebola work? They are used on radio stations, for instance. A story last October in Jeune Afrique highlighted local radio in first languages of Liberia, such as Bassa. A WHO/Africa story discusses traditional chiefs of the National Traditional Council of Liberia recording "several radio messages in different languages telling their people to take steps to avoid Ebola" - these recordings were also used on radio.

It would seem likely that these languages are used commonly in local level person-to-person interactions about ebola - whether of the sort described in West Point or in treatment facilities, etc.

However, given the lack of standardized writing for some languages (different situation from some other countries of the region) and use of indigenous scripts which are not yet fully supported on computers/mobile devices for writing some of them, there may not be much ebola messaging in text format - though that is a question to answer.

So back to the Oxfam article... Recognizing the importance of that organization's contributions to the fight against ebola, and the courageous work of local volunteers working with it to inform and research in ebola striken areas, it would be informative to have more details on the linguistic dimensions of their communication and survey efforts.

Some ebola message translations from Freetown

The US Embassy, Freetown, Sierra Leone website has 6 language versions of an ebola message (including English "Unite to Fight Ebola!"). I'm posting available image files of those documents from a Facebook posting by Zee Tunkara Clarkson (31 July 2014) with full text and links to the original PDFs of the documents. The object here is to promote dissemination of this material as well as to facilitate review by experts in the 5 languages of translation:  Krio, Mende, Kono, Susu, and Limba. (Three of these are cross-border languages, Mende also being spoken in Liberia, and Susu and Limba in Guinea.) Such material may possibly be useful in crafting other educational material in these languages.

The text below was copied as-is from the documents pictured and linked. I do not speak any of these languages, so cannot comment on the translations, however there appear to be some inconsistencies in spellings (e.g., ibola and ebola in Krio). Feedback invited.

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Krio: "Le Wi Jɔyn An Fɔ Fɛt Ibola!"

Ibola na sik we de kil kwik kwik wan ɛn na motalman ɛnimi; as i kin mek pɔsin in bɔdi de wam pas mak ɛn pul blɔd ɔlsay we gɛt ol na i bɔdi, so te i day.

Dis mɛsej de fɔ ɛp yu, yu fambul dɛm ɛn yu neba dɛm fɔ fɛt ibola tranga wan.

Salon pipul dɛm we bin gɛt ibola bɔt nɔr day bin liv bikɔs dɛn ebul go ɔ spitul kwik wan. Fɔ tap dis sik, na fɔ wok tranga wan wit di wɛlbɔdi pipul dɛm ɛn kɔl 117 ɛnitɛm yu si pɔsin we yu fil se gɛt dis sik. Yu nɔ go pe ɛnitin.

• Fɔ naw, na pɔsin nɔ mɔ kin sheb dis sik. U kin gɛt dis sik we u jam bɔdi wit pɔsin we gɛt di sik bad bad wan ɔ sɛf kin gɛt am pan ɛni wata we de kɔmɔt na di pɔsin in bɔdi.
• Pɔsin kin gɛt dis sik fɔ 2-21 de ɛn i nɔ go sho pan am, fɔ bɔku pipul, i go tek 5-8 de bifo i go sik. Durin dis tɛm, i nɔ go gi u pas di sik dɔn bad ɔf. If u de waka, u nɔ go kech di sik frɔm pɔsin we gɛt am.
• Na we di posin don sik tranga wan na da tem de di sik go sho insef fos na di blod den na di wɛt, vɔmit, tɔylɛt, bɔbi wata spam ɛn swɛt.
• Dis sik kin sheb kwi k wan frɔm pɔsin to pɔsin, mɔ to fambul we de mɛn di sik man or di wɛlbɔd i pipul dɛm we de tek care of dɛn sik man ya.
• Duya, nɔ tɔch pɔsin we de day. Dedebɔdi kin gi u ebola so duya lɛf di dedebodi to di wɛlbɔdi pipul dɛm we dɛn dɔn tren fɔ andul dis sik ya.
• Dis virus we wi kin kɔl tumbu, de day kwik wan if yu yuz sop, blich en san wi klos dɛm. Sɛf, yu we gɛt da machine for was klos kin yuz am for kil dis tumbu. Lɛ wi lan fɔ was wi an wit sop ɔl tɛm.
• Yu nɔ go gɛt ebola if yu de ple wit mɔni, bay bred ɔ swim na wata. Nɔ it bush bif we nɔ kuk dɔn as dɛn bat we lɛk it fruit na dɛm wi biliv se de sheb dis ebola ɛn mɔnki, babu ɛn dɛn bush animal dɛn sɛf kin gɛt am.
• As wi de tɔk so naw, wi nɔ gɛt no wɛlbɔdi risin fɔ tap plen nɔ fɔ flay, pipul fɔ travul, fɔ lɔk bɔda ɔ lɔk ɛmbasi, skul ɔ biznɛs dɛm.
• Di american ɛmbasi opin fɔ biznɛs lɛk ɔltɛm.

All salon man kin ɛp fɛt ibola. Di fɔs tin na fɔ no bɔt di sik so yu go protɛkt yusɛf, yu fambul dɛm ɛn u neba dɛm. Di nɛks tin na fɔ tɛl ɔda pipul dɛm aw dɛn sɛf kin ɛp tap ibola.

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Mende: "Mu nGoyila GbE Ebola Lapii Maa!"

Higbeh nyamu yila mia wa mu luehun ta toli ar Ebola, Taa nungaa waama wa, egbiya na ma, numgaa sia tia loo baoma. Mu yenge a goyila a hale bla sia ko mu higbe gi gbia ndohun. Nu gbi lee higbei gi ma ngoongo nu e pae hileblasia ti ma ngo flo.

• Ba hingbei gi majoolo ar nu mui na hingbei gii gi gu gahun saniko nu mu hingbe ngur gi vondei.
• Higbei gi ar yea nu gahun gi fele or gi nu fele gboyongo mahu yila.
• Kelee ebola higbei eyeh numa tamia ar geh nu ngamii hun, golii, balii, fundei, ndolay yei, nyini yei.
• Higbei gi ar lae lo nu gama ar bi bondasia or bi ma blasia ta bi mahun gbe.
• Ba jaa ar numui na ebola higbei gi ma or numui na ebola higbei gi wa ga keley hiebla sia.
• Ma hingbei gi waa flo, e na Mua mu yea ya wama fo ar bawei, klawa kemikasia, fulii ke klawa ngoli bee.
• Ba ya ndogbo huen me, Huen na e yii panda ba mE, mehen na ndevei mia ba meh clo beh va.
• Bee Ebola hingbei gi maango gi ba lolii ar kopoi, gi ba ye haka yea ya ma sabonda braedii yae ya mi ke gibon ba ye moi ma njei la.
• Temi na e ya foi lei ko scuisia, embassisia, baluisia, businessisia ti gbo.
• America Embassy wubla bla sia ti officii lao ngo temi gbi lee, ti lin hinda gbi.

Mu kpelei ndoe gi hu mo a muye ma gu lo mu lapii a hin gbei wai gi ta toli Ebola ke hinda, halei ma pae ta mia a hingbei wai gi ma ngo lei, na mia a pae hingbei gi e mu hue ke mu bondaasia bee. Hinda yekei ma pa e a ndelaa nungaa yekei sa bee ma.

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Kono: "Mor Buteneh Che Kweyedondoryor Ebola ban Kwaya!"

Ebola mu mor far gbadi ana Eh wan gbeh mor teh. Sakana kweh chea ehbatina mor ma benkwana, butuneh che kwaya gbandicha Mor bamoi min bow wnda gbadi ch, an fuawa ta bwe cheneh da. Ni moah wyiche bwetina, gbadicha eh fua wan banda moah chenechor. Mor gbadi chewakwa oryean bwetina timaor tima a wakwa or sonda mor bema Moi bwetin chawan gbabye chea ma 117.

• Sanjeh chor gbandi che ka modonbwe artina ata modominday tina. Asin moi ya mason gbandi moi chedehchedel ama, Gbadi chiar arbebe tar or chiah or choir chiar.
• Gbandiche emawan moi ma eyoson aca tay fea ma ata tay bifea kuma dondoiior. Che Moi kuso far gbandi chea sonda tay du the ar ta tay saiy ar the.
• Gbandichea ebain gbadimoi dor. Inima weh gbaindachea ai bay mor dominda ma kadache Gbandiche ta gbaineh ma gbeh formoi ana hata or tar. Siache, susuei bor kaka, tarr. Asin, gbandi samoinfan bay amason kaka.
• Iy ma tu suah, ambeh Gbandiche bay wan. Ni ya moi fah, ar to bweti mbowah ar ton kwaya Fineh mimbi gbandiche bay matuni somboiah, tay or kena gbandineh So mormor bo ark o tima or tima Yi tuah kapwe ah iea.
• Gbandi eba moima Bbede orh or iea dah or kwa.
• Yi ma feah or swi mima tama ni chendeh down,cheminah, feahor swim be knongbwoi down fan  Tosa na min to kenechior.
• A beebeh kwa niooh nu Chebeor, momo ma foni mbeh fia dendeh ma na or ta. Momo ma bodar na ton ni Momo ma foni moie ma ta tache or.
• Pu chenneh na wichetiya na kain famu Suku mbeh na kain famu.
• Abbebeh Amerlica na cheneh a kain far mu sajameh.

Morgbeh mormor boo art un Butuneh che kwa ya gbandi char. Mbe gbandi ch makwaor. Yi pen son mbe ya for to yi moin ja.

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Susu: "Muhu Berein Halam Fekayrinma Ebola Gayrayfey!"

Ebola furay far furay nara. Gi furay etan, nu eha me fiyea, nu edoh ho boray. Leonenay, na habara gi furay sortoh aye serri na tongo e fa-yalan. Alan oh nu menga sie ha woo kayrain sortoh. A fala mengeh sie beh furay ma naha mu wama serry tongo fay. Hellity (117)

• Hallow ar to forloh he key, aryerima mehri nu mehri nama. Egi furay sortoh manneh e na di eboray-rah.
• Gi foo-ray lo manneh merima keyfree nu/mahoyennu kayrain. He suelee he solowma saha afa foorah
• Foryei foo-rah afa wuleema sortoh, nu kwolee, nu bouwin woesi
• Mehkeyray nehray, furayma dandama etangi furay masatorma
• Enagha deen furayma fore nehray arfay colon
• Gi furay, safwin, sogay. Temberin e bela he marah
• E mu Ebola sortorma kobiri, tami yeama safay. E nah ha don say don naha mu yengri afa yerah. Keycoin nafa mordonma
• Gi moment e nu norma baloyin dan dae aye mu kerabalama ecole nu wholiday, mu balama
• US Embassy neh tanabay tembelay

Leonenay nor manneh Ebola keriday. As sengeh, he tan, nu ehan meri aye nu e dohboray, nu gbetaye e fala berinbeh.

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Limba: "Mi Bointada Ba Dakila E thuna Key Dorma Ebola!"

Ebola, e Thuna na key kori limba-meti. Key kotheh mi bah u thunkoh. Kayla bamba ba she ba me, hunpo hoe kentu, nu bay kentu ba mi hu kothor ba dakila Ebola. Hu gbon hoe ka Salone bin dae punkay kuta tali ban a gbokolimbi yakoh. Ma boinadi e ba pilin bay, bay bindeh masaay tabay ba mi na massita ba dakila e thuna ki. Yonkina hu gbon hoe ka ba pillim bay ka e kalahin 117 bana e kuta wah way sim ay kayhin ba e thorna key ka Ebola.

• E thornah key seh key, key thala dain ka limba metti. E koh kin kutu na e labay kay wah metti wo tukeh, ni mu boti mu ka wah wo belun e thorna ki.
• E san wu kothoh ba doma na wah bilun e thorna kin-kin ba ma loko koyi-kala ni manthay. Ma loko ma nundi, kin koh tukinokoh ka ma loko masoyi e ma loko maso-matati. Kin thornaki, kin sa thalanda yokoh wah wo thorna ma ka-here. Ba nah ndo punku thariokoh,e sakin thalintianda ka wah wu fenah.
• Ba pilin bay e bay kenah-meh bay nayan kuta e thornah kin-kin.
• Ba labay kay wah way tukeh. Ba pilin bay na doru wu labay kay wah way ni Ebola, ni ba mankia wah wu koro e Ebola.
• E thunaki, kin koh kora e sineh, mu maythna, e kan woo. Mi thania ba loka tha lunkoh tha kantu timu-timu.
• E sa kutu e thuna kinkin kama thalintanda kopiri, ka bola mu theri, ni ba gban thiokoh ka mandi. Ba thor mu thor mu poniyorta ma lohun - nor na bara.
• Ka ma loko mama, mi ka eh e bali ba yikina thalan-boti ba sir, ba lunka beluin ni nga ken ken ka thurea-mina, ba yikina ba thariokoh, ba gboni bay, karani ba, ni Embassinabay.
• Hu gbon hoe ka U.S. Embassy hoe petheh tuma-tuma nanda thurn hun.

Mi formah kin ba thiah ma massay ba daykila Ebola. Yi kin Lanka kothor ba pulunokoh, ba bia bay kenda, ni metti da. Wu mankeh wu, mi kin bah wu tapay bia bi fenah ken na bin kothoh ba e thonaki.

More on ebola and health information in African languages

Quick follow-up on last week's post on Ebola and health information in African languages, to share some more information about initiatives on ebola education and reporting in African languages.

Following tweets on the previous post, there was additional information via Twitter on some videos in Nigerian languages:

@babatabita Check @LensOnEbola for more #Ebola videos from #Nigeria, in #Yoruba, #Pidgin and #English. @donosborn #NgHlth
— Nigeria Health Watch (@nighealthwatch) September 5, 2014

The Nigerian language videos (YouTube) that I'm aware of so far are as follows (would appreciate more links from those who have them):

• In Yoruba, "Owó Fifò," on hand washing
• In Pidgin, on ebola symptoms and what to do if one experiences them

Also from Nigeria, there is an official poster in Igbo - Nje Ọrịa Ebola - which since it is from the Nigerian government, may also be in other languages like Hausa and Yoruba.

There is a Senegalese video (also on YouTube) about ebola in Wolof, with some written French. (An August 29 newscast in Wolof on ebola in Senegal is also on YouTube.)

A GooglePlay app "About Ebola" is available in English, Jola (Diola in French spelling), Krio, Liberian English, and Wolof.

There appears to be significant information on ebola in Fula, notably on pulaar.org, including a recent long article "Ebola Hol no haɓtortee?" (ebola, how can it be fought/countered?). Peeral Media has a short piece in Fula on Facebook, with a parallel English version. A 5-minute audio "Info sur Ebola en Pulaar/Fulfulde" is available on YouTube (accompanied by one graphic). Another example is a story on Voice of Nigeria about the Nigerian Hajj Commission's screening of pilgrims going to Mecca: "Hukuuma hijju Najeeriya wiɗitay hijooɓe Najeeriya."

In Guinea, Studio Hirondelle in collaboration with the rural radio network has produced radio programs on ebola in Fula (Peulh in French; the endonym in Guinea is Pular) and Malinké (a Manding language for which the endonym is Maninka or Maninkakan).

WHO and Athinkra

Athinkra LLC is coordinating translations of a FAQ on ebola provided by the World Health Organization (WHO). Languages on its list so far include N'Ko (an alphabet for Manding), Vai (in its own script and Latin alphabet), and Fula (in the new Adlam script - more on the latter in another post). (Thanks to Coleman Donaldson for calling my attention to this.)

Rubric, Wikimedia ZA, and WikiProject Medicine

Further afield, there is a collaboration in South Africa among Rubric (a languages services company), Wikimedia ZA, and WikiProject Medicine (which has a Translation Task Force/Project) to translate ebola health info on Wikipedia into the official languages of that country.

Summary and thoughts

The above is an eclectic sampling of initiatives and reporting on ebola in some African languages. Much of this is happening on country levels or by individual or small group initiatives. This post helps fill out blank spots in the picture as portrayed in the previous posting, but it is far from complete.

At this point it would seem very useful to have a way of monitoring such efforts and products with an eye to facilitating communication and sharing among them (particularly important, I'd argue, for cross-border and closely-related languages), reviewing material for accuracy, and building a data bank of medical translations in African languages about ebola and related public health topics.

Ebola and health information in African languages

The alarming ebola epidemic in West Africa - primarily Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea, with a few cases in Nigeria - is now into its sixth month and still expanding. There are fears that ebola may explode into urban areas of the region. Doctors Without Borders/Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) president Dr. Joanne Liu was recently quoted as saying that "the world is losing the battle to contain it," and Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) director Dr. Thomas Frieden was quoted as saying the epidemic is "spiraling out of control."

International and national responses to ebola in West Africa have naturally focused on measures to control its spread and treat patients (as much as can be done, given the high mortality rate and lack of available remedies). Public health education is recognized as an essential element in controlling the epidemic and helping the region's population to understand what the real risks and treatments are.

Ebola education in a multilingual region

West Africa is of course a multilingual region, and any effort to effectively communicate and educate in such an emergency must take account of its multilingual nature, with many languages, limited knowledge of the various countries' official languages (English, French, or Portuguese), and limited literacy in first languages and regional lingua francas. No one language can be relied on to get ebola information and advice to all the people who need it. This means finding ways to translate messages, assure quality in such translations, and provide them in appropriate mixes of text (for posters, scripts) and audio (for national and local radio). It also has longer term implications that I will come back to in a later post on this blog.

This linguistic dimension to public education on ebola in West Africa is recognized on various levels. The CDC for instance had radio spots produced in several languages of the affected area: Pular, several languages of the affected area. (links on language names go to Wikipedia descriptions). A Wellesley College prof, Dr. Donna A. Patterson, suggested that public campaigns should be available in "local languages" in an article entitled "Better Public Education Programs Could Help Stop the Spread of Ebola." And a news item on Côte d'Ivoire (Ivory Coast) mentioned translation on on the village level in the west of that country (although without the names of target languages).

The non-governmental organization (NGO), Translators Without Borders (TWB) has coordinated translation of material into Hausa (see image at right). Its collaboration with the Nigerian Institute of Translators and Interpreters might be a good model for international and national collaboration on ebola messaging in African languages.

However, attention to the importance of African first languages and lingua francas for public health education is apparently not a given. In an interview with BBC's World Update, TWB president Lori Thicke pointed out that health NGOs working in rural areas aren't always aware of language issues. Without anyone minimizing their efforts, this is not surprising from what I know of development projects and extension organizations, which tend to deal with "local languages" on an ad hoc basis with interpretation by staff or local people when the need arises (see blog posts on this in context of agriculture in 2007 and 2008).

But it's not just a problem of NGOs in the field. In an interview on the US public television service, PBS, MSF's Dr. Liu referred to the need for clear messaging on ebola issues, but did not mention the challenges of quality translation of such messaging. She likely is well aware of that, but the fact it did not arise in either her statements or the interviewer's (Jeffrey Brown) questions is telling. Voice of America, in an August 20 article about media in West Africa and public education on ebola did not mention anything about languages or translation.

This is not to say that the issue of translation of information on ebola is necessarily easy, but that it is an issue needing attention, especially at higher levels. The kind of volunteer-based translation that TWB facilitates is impressive, as is the less visible daily work on local levels by officials such as discussed in the Côte d'Ivoire item cited above, but it certainly would help to have more resources to support translation and wider coordination of translation efforts (the latter in part because many languages cross borders, meaning potential duplication of effort and differences in wording).

Building resources for short- and long-term

Another important need for dealing with ebola in the immediate future and in years to come, as well as for improving individual and public health in general, is to collect, record, and compile medical and health education material in African languages. Aside from providing reference material for the future, it also should help avoid having to start translations from scratch each time a public health emergency arises.

Fortunately there is a volunteer effort to achieve this sort of outcome: the Wikipedia-based Medical Translation Project, which collaborates with TWB. An example of their work is an article on ebola in Hausa entitled "Ƙwayoyin cuta na Ebola" on the Hausa-language edition of Wikipedia

I plan to post more on this project later.