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| African languages map by Steven Huffman via VividMaps |
African languages and the "information society": Reflections on multilingual ICT, mother-tongue and bilingual education, and uses of Africa's first languages in extension, development, and research.
Monday, December 29, 2025
Why African languages? A personal retrospective
Sunday, December 28, 2025
A non-African's place in advocacy for African languages?
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| NW angle on Djenné mosque; Palais de Justice in foreground, 1983 |
As the kind readers of Beyond Niamey will have noticed, I've been publishing much less frequently since the end of 2017. There are several reasons for this. I offered short takes on why in late 2020 ("A sabbatical, of sorts") and late 2023 ("Hiatus in writing here"), but I always intended to offer a more complete reflection. That is what I will begin to do in this post - prefaced with some personal history.
The fundamental question in my mind is about a non-African's place in advocacy for African languages.
Change of place & change of realities
The year 2017 was one of major personal and family transitions. The last of those was a relocation in December from the Washington, DC area to Michigan, where I had done my graduate work (at Michigan State University) and where I have some family history.
The year 2018 ended up being one of a reckoning and resetting. My plans were to both continue international consulting and seek an academic administrative position that might afford time to pursue research on African languages and development. The latter transition was in the background of my thinking in a post in June of that year ("Rebooting"). Since many years ago, I had had the idea that my penultimate professional/academic "chapter" would be in a university program in either international studies or African studies.
Neither plan would work out as envisaged, each for different reasons. So, in rewriting that "chapter," I've returned to an old interest in crop diversity that led to a focus on the group of grains called millets - some of which I was first introduced to in Africa. The timing was fortuitous in ways I won't digress on here.
A new generation is taking over (and that's a good thing!)
With regard to African studies, while I maintain a strong interest in the continent and its peoples, I came to understand that a new generation was taking the reins in Title VI centers. That's logical and positive. I had actually seen this dynamic previously in contexts where, if I had been the one hiring, I likely would have been thinking strategically about younger candidates, .
There is also another natural trend to promoting scholars of African background to at least some open positions. Again, if I were the one making strategic plans or hiring decisions, this is another direction I would certainly be thinking about. So. there are no regrets or negative feelings - one rolls with the changes, with the hope that one can pass on something of value in other ways.
With regard to African languages, and their interface with development (broadly writ) and technology, I'm similarly inclined to thinking that it's time for the new generation of African scholars and advocates for the languages of the continent to take the fore. Even in the area of making the case with international development agencies to pay more attention to African languages, African leadership is needed.
A new generation is taking over (and the more things stay the same?)
However, the situation with African languages and technology is a bit complicated, in that there is at the same time a new generation of non-Africans getting involved, who may not always have the knowledge or context of non-Africans with longer experience, let alone that of African experts. For example, in one social media exchange with a non-African advocate for new scripts for African languages, that person freely admitted not knowing much about the continent.
In this, I'm reminded of the generational (or in the context of PC's 2 year cycles, cohort) dynamics in development work, with non-African newbies often repeating the same learning cycles - and even mistakes - of those before. New ideas may be easy and seem compelling (I've been there too), but a little more context before prescription can make for better outcomes. Remembering here some well-meaning "why don't they just ... ?" questions by people within the first few days of arriving somewhere in Africa the first time.
The role of non-Africans ...
In my dissertation on the pastoral systems of the Inland Niger Delta of Mali, one of the patterns I identified in Western thinking about pastoralists, was a never resolved dialectic between opposite perspectives on the "rationality" of this production system (i.e., thesis, antithesis, back to new thesis, then new antithesis, and repeat). Paraphrased for the broader application that I think it merits:
This is a dynamic sadly common to so much of development and African studies over the years - outsider experts effectively dominate discussion and analysis of African development, ultimately occupying if not pre-empting both sides of any major debate. ("On diacritics & modified characters in African languages," 2 Sep. 2015, quoting an earlier post on A12n-collab dated 24 Jun. 2006)
None of this means that outsiders cannot have insights not visible to insiders, or that they have nothing to contribute from their access to other bodies of knowledge and practice. But in the peculiar history of western (and global Northern) interaction with Africa, foreigners from more powerful or richer parts of the world can exercise undue influence on local dynamics.
That is as true in the domain of languages as it is in social and economic development. And that concern is one I hope to bring home to my own practice, past and potential, in later posts.
There's obviously a lot more to say on this but I'll leave it here for now. In the next few posts, I plan to share why and how I got interested in African languages in the first place.
Saturday, April 15, 2017
Second most spoken languages in Africa, part 3
Here's the Africa map, snipped from the set (click to enlarge), and with the legend modified slightly to make the image narrow enough to fit here in a larger view:
What are we talking about?
I actually think that it's great that people try to produce such different ways of looking at facts we sometimes take for granted. Not meaning "alternative facts" here, but maybe alternative ways of looking at facts - different angles which help understand a complex whole. And I especially appreciate the effort that has gone into doing this with regard to languages. Also, it is worth noting that the map of Africa above covers more countries than the ONU map - no small effort in either case, but kudos to Max Holloway and MoveHub for taking it further.
All that said, the first issue with this effort is the same as with the other one: Is it "second most common first language" (L1) or "most common second language" (L2)? I think it's intended to be the first, but that's muddied by mention "second language." Or is it really something like the second most commonly spoken language (L1+L2)? It would help to begin such efforts by mentioning these alternatives, and making it clear what one is and and which ones aren't being referred to.
What counts as first most spoken?
Second, there are questions about assumptions made and data used. Is the assumption here - like in the ONU map - that the "official language" (a legal or sometimes constitutional category) is the most spoken (first) language? That cannot be assumed to be the case, especially in African countries where official languages generally are those inherited from the colonial period. So for example, as I discussed previously (in "part 1"), Bambara would not be the second most spoken language in Mali, but rather the first (L1+L2, and probably L1 only), with the official French probably being second (counting L1+L2 speakers, but definitely not first or second counting L1 only).
Similar issues arise in many countries. I won't go into all of them (having done so previously, in "part 2"), but will note the interesting case of Ethiopia. The two most spoken languages there are Amharic and Oromo, and figures vary on their respective numbers of speakers. The ONU map showed Oromo as the second language, but in the accompanying article cited figures that Oromo was spoken by more of the population. The map above from MoveHub reflects the latter (Amharic as second). The figures in Ethnologue are very close, with about 100k more Amharic speakers (L1+L2) than speakers of all varieties of Oromo (which are generally taken together, thought that couold be another discussion), However it looks like a larger percentage of Oromo speakers are L1 speakers, there being a significant number of L2 speakers of Amharic. I go into all this as an indication of the kinds of complexities one gets into when trying to make a simple declaration of which language is the second in the country - as well as the need mentioned above to be very clear what criteria one is using.
Data and interpretation
But what about the data on which the map is based - where did the information used come from? Perhaps from a list something like this one from InfoPlease? Many of the labels on this map look like the languages listed in second position for various countries, including "Sudanic" for Burkina Faso and "Bantu" for Angola, which are language families and not languages (and Sudanic is not currently used as a linguistic classification). So a major issue is the quality of data relied on, and its interpretation on the map.
On the topic of language groupings, Fon in Benin is a Gbe language, like Ewe in Togo and southeast Ghana. In all three of these countries (among many, as noted above) the rankings of languages should be reviewed - although it is interesting to imagine the unexplored implications of three states in West Africa having major numbers of Gbe language speakers.
Again, I won't review this in detail, as much is similar to the ONU map already reviewed, though with some differences that are interesting (such as Mende probably correctly the second most spoken language in Sierra Leone after Krio) or puzzling (such as Kiunguja, a dialect of Swahili in Zanzibar, for Tanzania).
Three maps
Where to go with all this, and why spend three blog posts on it? On the latter question, I think that this map concept is a useful way to look at languages in Africa - and the world (remembering that both the ONU and MoveHub efforts covered all continents). However, nice graphics have a way of circulating and if the information in them is not accurate, or otherwise presents a confusing picture, they don't serve the purpose they were created for.
Yet in the case of Africa, at least, this is a complicated subject based on often imperfect data that can be interpreted variously. So anyone's map of a clearly defined "second (most spoken) (first) (first & second) languages" by country could be critiqued on details.
What I would propose for Africa is a set of three maps, based on a bonafide source, showing for each country:
- the most spoken language (L1+L2),
- the second most spoken language, and
- the third most spoken (inspired on the latter by an interesting map of third most-spoken languages by state in the US).
Put these three side-by-side with the standard map showing official language(s) by country and you have the basis for some interesting discussions.
* "Second most spoken languages in Africa" (1 May 2015) discusses the problems with the ONU map, while "Second most spoken languages in Africa, part 2" (8 May 2015) comments country by country. See also, "How many people speak what in Africa?" (7 May 2015).
Thursday, March 30, 2017
More African languages to be taught in China
- Comorian (Shikamori or Shimasiwa)
- Creole (actually the Mauritian variety of what is sometimes called "Ile de France Creole," and which is known locally as Morisyen)
- Ndebele (the isiNdebele of Zimbabwe, which is "essentially a dialect of Zulu; separate from isiNdebele of South Africa)
- Shona (chiShona)
- Tigrinya (ትግርኛ)
- Tswana (Setswana)
In recent years, however, BeiWai has instituted instruction of Afrikaans, Amharic (አማርኛ), Malagasy (Fiteny malagasy), Somali (Af-Soomaali), and Zulu (isiZulu). The Beijing Review had an article about this process last year. Apparently BeiWai is planning to continue to expand the number of African languages taught over the next few years.
Thanks to Amb. SHU Zhan for the information he shared on this topic following my questions to the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China list, and to Dr. Michael ERARD for alerting us about BeiWai's announcement via Twitter.
* Li Anshan, "African Studies in China in the 21st Century: A Historiographical Survey, " Brazilian Journal of African Studies, Vol. 1, No. 2, Jul./Dec. 2016, pp.48-88 (PDF).
Monday, April 25, 2016
AfLaT, TALAf, & language technology in Africa
Brief profiles of each will follow, but first I'd like to call attention to TALAf's current call for participation in the upcoming TALAf 2016 workshop (deadline extended to May 8). This is scheduled as part of a larger event - three co-located language and technology conferences dubbed JEP-TALN-RECITAL 2016 - to be held at INALCO in Paris on July 4-7.
AfLaT
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| AfLaT logo |
TALAf
TALAf began with a workshop in 2012 with Mathieu Mangeot and Chantal Enguehard among the organizers. TALAf describes itself as a community of researchers interested in natural language processing of African languages, and seeks to promote collaboration in development of tools and resources. It organizes biennial workshops, runs an email list, and is associated with other projects such as DiLAF : dictionnaires langue africaine-français (bambara, haoussa, kanouri, tamajaq, zarma).
Friday, April 22, 2016
African Languages in the Disciplines
The permanent page on the event carries this description:
The ALD Conference aims to engage a diverse range of scholars and African heritage communities in serious discussion about the contributions of African languages to the disciplines.
Indigenous African languages are vital to comprehending how Africans understand, organize, and transmit essential knowledge to successive generations, both through oral and written traditions and through aesthetic practices. African languages play a critical role in research as they serve as road maps for identifying how African social, political, and economic institutions change over time. The ALD conference provides a platform for diverse scholarly discussions about the contributions of African languages across a variety of disciplines.
The schedule of the just completed conference featured a keynote by Kenyan author and scholar, Ngugi wa Thiong'o:
- Thursday, April 21, 2016
- 9:00 am – 9:15: Opening Remarks
- 9:15 am – 10:30 am: Panel #1 – Nko Language Panel
- 10:30 am – 11:45 am: Panel #2 – ADLAM Panel
- 11:45 am – 1:00 pm: Lunch
- 1:00 pm – 2:15 pm: Panel #3 – Ngugi Panel
- 2:15 pm – 2:30 pm: Neville Alexander Lecture Introduction
- 2:30 pm – 4:30 pm: Keynote by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, followed by Q&A
- 5:00 pm – 6:30 pm: Reception at CGIS with Theater Night Performances
- Friday, April 22, 2016
- 9:00 am – 12:00 pm: ALDP Meet and Greet
- 12:00 pm – 3:00 pm: Poetry reading and film
For the record, here is a list of the previous six conferences in the series (all but the first two of the linked pages show the conference schedules):
- April 22-23, 2010
- April 21-22, 2011
- April 19-20, 2012
- April 24-26, 2013
- April 24-25, 2014
- April 23, 2015
Wednesday, December 16, 2015
More on US Census Bureau & African languages
In October, the Census Bureau released its detailed data on over 300 languages (and language categories) spoken in the U.S. A summary table of this data was featured in an article written by Nikhil Sonnad last month on Quartz (and on CityLab under a different title). There is a small error in the text of that article, where it mentions "Sudanese" (spelled like the nationality) as a language - that should actually be "Sundanese" (spelled correctly in the table), which is spoken in Indonesia.
Below is a table with information excerpted from the Census Bureau's data, showing the numbers for the African languages discussed in my previous post, sorted by number of speakers. I have added Krio and Pidgin, which were omitted from that post. "African" stands for "African (not further specified)" in the Bureau's list of languages. The total number of speakers of African languages as defined by the Bureau - all of the below except Afrikaans, Arabic (which of course is spoken in Southwest Asia as well as North Africa), Krio, Malagasy, and Pidgin - is 894,499.
Number
of speakers1
|
Margin
of Error2
|
Speak
English less than "Very Well"1
|
Margin
of Error2
|
|
Arabic
|
924,374
|
13,743
|
341,425
|
5,888
|
Kru, Ibo, Yoruba
|
322,255
|
7,681
|
64,690
|
2,487
|
Amharic
|
195,260
|
6,368
|
81,385
|
3,479
|
Cushite
|
122,445
|
4,437
|
59,495
|
2,817
|
Swahili
|
88,685
|
3,414
|
22,055
|
1,913
|
Bantu
|
56,685
|
2,641
|
16,635
|
1,574
|
Fulani
|
30,475
|
2,022
|
11,745
|
1,193
|
Mande
|
29,835
|
2,461
|
10,370
|
1,171
|
Afrikaans
|
23,010
|
1,525
|
1,885
|
318
|
African
|
12,320
|
1,508
|
5,000
|
997
|
Krio
|
10,560
|
1,240
|
2,820
|
718
|
Chadic
|
8,565
|
991
|
2,275
|
426
|
Sudanic
|
8,510
|
1,317
|
3,935
|
710
|
Nilotic
|
6,890
|
1,184
|
2,235
|
490
|
Efik
|
5,620
|
775
|
905
|
305
|
Pidgin
|
4,445
|
636
|
1,100
|
352
|
Berber
|
2,940
|
756
|
1,630
|
472
|
Gur
|
1,310
|
529
|
405
|
272
|
Nilo-Hamitic
|
1,275
|
644
|
575
|
327
|
Malagasy
|
720
|
231
|
225
|
101
|
Mbum (and related)
|
715
|
353
|
370
|
269
|
Nubian
|
305
|
234
|
185
|
175
|
Nilo-Saharan
|
270
|
183
|
155
|
127
|
Saharan
|
80
|
95
|
(D)
|
(D)
|
Khoisan
|
55
|
89
|
20
|
32
|
Notes:
1. Detailed-language estimates are rounded to the nearest multiple of five. Aggregate estimates (in this selection from the original, only Arabic) are unrounded and appear in table B16001 (http://factfinder.census.gov/bkmk/table/1.0/en/ACS/13_5YR/B16001/0100000US). Detailed-language estimates may not sum to aggregate estimates because of rounding.
2. Data are based on a sample and are subject to sampling variability. The degree of uncertainty for an estimate arising from sampling variability is represented through the use of a margin of error. The value shown here is the 90 percent margin of error. The margin of error can be interpreted roughly as providing a 90 percent probability that the interval defined by the estimate minus the margin of error and the estimate plus the margin of error (the lower and upper confidence bounds) contains the true value. In addition to sampling variability, the ACS estimates are subject to nonsampling error (for a discussion of nonsampling variability, see Accuracy of the Data at http://www2.census.gov/programs-surveys/acs/tech_docs/accuracy/MultiyearACSAccuracyofData2013.pdf). The effect of nonsampling error is not represented in these tables.
Source:
U.S. Census Bureau, 2009-2013 American Community Survey, Table 1. Detailed Languages Spoken at Home and Ability to Speak English for the Population 5 Years and Over for United States: 2009-2013. Release Date: October 2015. http://www2.census.gov/library/data/tables/2008/demo/language-use/2009-2013-acs-lang-tables-nation.xls




