Showing posts with label content. Show all posts
Showing posts with label content. Show all posts

Sunday, January 06, 2019

Writing Bambara wrong & a petition to VOA

Why does the Voice of America (VOA) Bambara service's web content use a frenchized transcription of Bambara while Radio France International (RFI) uses the Bambara orthography?

Screenshot from page on VOA Bambara website. In Bambara orthography:
Jamana tigi: Ibrahima Bubakar Keyita ye Sankura foli kɛ ka ɲɛsin jamana
denw ma. (Presidential New Year's address to the people of the country)
This question comes to mind in light of a petition being circulated by the Cercle Linguistique Bamakois asking that VOA follow the Bambara orthography on its web presence. (An English version of the petition is included at the end of this post.)

According to Sam Samake, a language specialist in Bamako, VOA's rationale for its current approach is to reach a large number of listeners who do not read or write Bambara in the official orthography,1 but who have been schooled in the French language system. In the view of Dr. Coleman Donaldson, a researcher on Manding languages (which include Bambara), this is part of a pattern of disregard for the spelling and orthographic conventions adopted by the Malian government and used now in many in primary schools.2 (This system happens also to harmonize with orthographies of neighboring countries due to the process that included the Bamako 1966 and Niamey 1978 conferences.)

Use or non-use of African language orthographies - and implications of respect or disrespect that accompany that choice - is not at all a new discussion. Coleman has a more recent examination of the broader problem as it appears in Mali, in a book chapter:3
"In a context where there is no shortage of people trained in official Bamanan orthography, the fact that the multinational telecommunications firm Orange fails to respect the official conventions is not simply a case of shoddy work; it is in fact part of the message."
Screenshot from RFI Mandenkan homepage. (Days & times of broadcasts).
In fact, as Sam pointed out, Malian government personnel, including for example everyone in the national broadcasting service, ORTM, have been trained in this orthography.1 So it does not appear at all accidental that major international entities like VOA and Orange opt to write Bambara as they please.

In this context, it is interesting to note RFI's decision on "Mandenkan" web content. Mandenkan, or Manding, is a group of largely interintelligible languages including Bambara (or Bamanankan) in the Mande family. RFI uses what looks like Bambara in the proper Malian orthography. That said, the amount of text in the language is limited to a static page on its main site (from which the image above was drawn), and some text in older posts on its Facebook page.

L2 literacy & L1 illiteracy?



VOA's decision to use a frenchized (or Frenchified) transcription of Bambara - which it should be noted has no standard form, pretty much by definition - is apparently premised on the notion that many people in their audience don't read the standard Bambara orthography. There may be something to this, to the extent that in Mali, formal education is mainly or exclusively in French, and people who read French can sound out text with spellings reflecting French phonetics.

However this reasoning (or rationale) has at least two problems. First, it is not clear how much of the audience cannot read Bambara written in the official orthography. Have there been any surveys? And secondly, for a native speaker of the language, the official orthography would not seem that hard to work through.

On the latter point, a word about multilingual literacy, or its absence, in Africa. The fact that many people in Africa have been taught to read in a Europhone language (French, in the case of Mali), which for the vast majority is a second language ("L2"), but never formally taught in their first language ("L1") or local lingua franca (like Bambara in Mali), leads to situations where many people are not comfortable reading in their familiar African languages. I've been among those calling attention to the problem in using one measure of literacy in such multilingual contexts.4

However, that's not the same as saying an L2 (and non-L1) literate person should access their L1 only with the phonetcs of the L2. The bridge from L2-only literacy to L1 literacy is not as long as that from illiteracy to basic literacy of any kind. And the Latin-based orthography of Bambara (what we are talking about here) is not that difficult to master. After all, it doesn't seem to have put a crimp in RFI Mandenkan's effectiveness.

Tech issues: A problem? And a potential


One needs to ask if maybe a hidden issue with VOA and the Bambara orthography isn't the issue with keyboards and input. Is it possible that a simple input solution enabling the VOA Bambara service staff to type the special characters used in Bambara could change this discussion?

Also, could VOA use the perceived shortcomings in audience mastery of the Bambara orthography to engage their audience with some kind of online learning app? This would certainly generate a more favorable buzz than what the current situation is doing.

Petition to VOA


The only version of the petition I am aware of is the one in French on the Change.org site. A Bambara version would be logical - as a "medium is the message" statement if nothing else - but I have not seen any. Appended below for information of people who do not read French, but do read English, is a quick translation5 of the text of the petition into the latter:
Voice of America journalists must respect the Bambara orthography
Considering that Mali, since its accession to independence and through all the successive regimes, has emphasized the importance of the languages and cultures of the country;

Considering that the question of languages spoken in Mali is included in the country's constitution;

Considering that for decades there have been departments dedicated to the question of the languages of Mali;

Considering the remarkable work done by Malian and foreign linguists on the languages spoken in Mali from 1960 to the present day;

Considering the intellectual and financial effort made by Mali and its international partners (in particular the African Academy of Languages) in the codification and use of Mali's languages in schools and in the media;

Considering the learning and the respect of these standards in writing as an obligation in order to perpetuate the work of codification carried out;

Considering that the state of Mali through the dedicated departments guarantees these standards;

Considering that the journalists of the Mandenkan team of RFI (Radio France Internationale) have been trained and correctly use the spelling rules of Bambara;

Considering that the Bambara team of the Voice of America (VOA) does not respect any Bambara spelling rules;

We hereby call on the State of Mali (through the Ministry of National Education / Malian Academy of Languages) and the African Academy of Languages to remind the Voice of America of strict respect for the spelling rules of Bambara on the VOA Bambara page.

Recommend for this purpose:

The training of Bambaraphone journalists of VOA in the spelling rules of Bambara.

What about Hausa?


This discussion would not be complete without mention of the continued use of ASCIIfied Hausa by the international radio operations, including VOA and RFI. And how is it that RFI gets Mandenkan (Bambara) right, but not Hausa?
_______
1. He mentioned this in a discussion about the topic on the Facebook African Languages group page (2 Jan. 2019). Sam is a former Peace Corps/Mali language program instructor and administrator. We have known each other since the slightly famous Peace Corps pre-service training in Moribabougou, Mali in 1983.
2. See Coleman's blog post on this topic and the VOA petition, "Voice of America's Bambara Orthography and a Petition," on his interesting site about Manding languages (which include Bambara), An ka taa.
3. Coleman Donaldson. 2017. "Orthography, Standardization and Register: The Case of Manding." In P. Lane, J. Costa, & H. De Korne (Eds.), Standardizing Minority Languages: Competing Ideologies of Authority and Authenticity in the Global Periphery (pp. 175–199). New York, NY: Routledge.
4. See, for instance, "Multilingual Literacy Day, 2014" (8 Sep 2014).
5. Based on what Google Translate produced, which was much more useful than Systranet's output.

Saturday, December 31, 2016

Revisiting an African language content strategy

While in Mali in late 1999 and early 2000, inspired in part by early research by FUNREDES on Languages and Cultures of the Internet, I began thinking about strategies for increasing African language web content. While recognizing of course that such content would come primarily from communities of speakers of African languages, as well as internationally funded projects which at the time were beginning to think about how to use the internet for development, the motivation was to facilitate creation of an environment favorable to its creation and use.

ISOC's report, 8/2016
Recent discussion of one project and reading about another, each of which deal in different ways with content and communication, and reading the Internet Society's (ISOC) August 2016 report on "Promoting Content in Africa," prompt me to revisit this early effort and look at how things are playing out.

Looking forward from 1999


The basic idea in 1999 was to disaggregate approaches to internet content development in African languages, and consider how each could optimally contribute to the overall goal of greater presence of those languages in cyberspace. In 2003 I reworked that schema to share more widely - for example on the short-lived Africa Web Content Owner email list.1 Elements of this strategy were incorporated in different ways in later work, such as African Languages in a Digital Age (ALDA).

The main approaches were:
  1. Composition of text-based content (including where possible, digitization of works previously published in African languages)
  2. Translation of text-based content from other languages (leveraging the then emerging machine translation [MT] technology)
  3. Development of content in non-text formats (with specific reference to audio2)
It was recognized that production of text-based content from scratch, by composing material (#1 above), is an incremental and artisanal process. In other words, it takes time and effort to achieve modest results.This is especially the case for languages with younger written traditions that are not well supported in education or even sometimes fully supported in software (fonts were then a problem for certain writing systems, for example, and keyboards for them still are). No matter how fundamental text content was, it would be hard to keep pace with content creation in many non-African languages, leaving speakers of those languages with few opportunities to see their language online.

Therefore the possibility of taking existing texts in African languages - from published books or other printed materials - and putting them on the web was suggested as a way to give a small but significant boost to efforts to generate African language internet content. Such texts often have historical or cultural value, and may already be in a standard orthography (or transcriptions that could be easily converted into them.3 A sustained effort to "weblish" these materials, according to this thinking, could quickly add quality material to what is available on the web in a number of languages, and more importantly, make many materials that are accessible only in university libraries more readily available to speakers of those languages. However, copyright protections limit the potential of this tactic (although there have been some sites that appear to have made some of these materials available online without permission).

Therefore, an emphasis was put on alternative ways to create new content, especially translation (#2 above) of various relevant, useful, and interesting material aided by MT, and content built around the spoken voice (#3), responding to oral dimensions of African cultures, as well as the low literacy rates in African languages.

MT in that era especially was mainly a hope for the future, and aside from a few experiments most advances in the 2000s were for pairs of major (mainly Europhone) languages. Nowadays the technology has improved, but the statistical methods that have been key in that evolution require language resources that do not exist for many languages (at least yet). As such, the contribution of MT to content development in African languages is still in the future. 

As far as audio content, this did not emerge as a significant component on the internet (unless one counts songs or the sending of audio files as email attachment, both of which were transferred over the internet rather than presented as part of web content). But see the discussion regarding video sharing below.

Just how much African language content?


Through the 2000s, African language content seemed to grow only marginally and unevenly. A pair of studies published by Rifal in 2003 provided perspectives on this subject that are still useful:
I'm not aware of any more recent studies along these lines, but it may still be the case that there is a significant number of sites with at least some African language content, but that these are still mostly descriptions.

New kinds of content


The rise of social media, video sharing, and mobile devices over the last decade or so has changed how we think of and produce web content, opening new possibilities for African languages in cyberspace.

Social media, including blogs and wikis, makes the creation of content in any language easier. But in the case of many African languages, also brings us face-to-face with other limitations in input systems (for extended Latin and non-Latin scripts), education (where schools use only Europhone languages so that people aren't familiar with writing their first languages), and incentive (where the audience for text-based content in less widely spoken African languages is perceived to be small).

Video in a way fulfills the old idea of audio content on the web, but with the obvious advantage of visual (though there are at least a few YouTube videos with static presentation - a picture or line of text - and full audio in one or another African language). What's missing as far as I can tell is a way to find videos in specific languages that does not rely on the producer having tagged it appropriately (which may not happen).

Mobile devices have changed how we access and interact with content, and consequently how content is designed and even conceived. They also have become the most common way for Africans in general to access the internet - proportionately more important I believe than in any other continent. What I don't have a sense of is how much content in African languages is developed with mobile devices in mind. On the other hand the input limitations for some writing systems would certainly be an issue for use of some African languages in messaging for example.

"Promoting Content in Africa," 2016


ISOC's recent report includes a look at structures to support development of content in Africa, including in African languages. It is encouraging to note the attention ISOC is giving in this report to the importance of African language content for internet use in Africa.

One of the recommendations ISOC has for promoting local content in Africa, including that in African languages, is to promote development of local infrastructure, including data centers, Content Delivery Networks, and Internet Exchange Points. This idea to in effect create a facilitating environment for creation of African language content is an interesting strategy, and would complement other efforts such as mentioned above.


1. The direct link to the post in the AWCO archives is apparently accessible only to subscribed group members. I've created an alternative presentation of it on my website. That post has more background.
2. An early consideration of audio and web content on AWCO mentions Native American interest in the topic, as well as a project in Mauritania (also available on my website).
3. Numerous transcriptions of histories and tales from before the adoption of current orthographies used systematic notation that generally corresponds directly to characters used today (1:1 or occasionally 2:1). I have encountered this for example in various older materials on Fula and Bambara. Cheick Anta Diop's famous Wolof translations of scientific and European cultural texts into Wolof (1955) similarly used a regular transcription that predated the current standard orthography in Senegal.