Second most spoken languages in Africa

A news feature on the Olivet Nazarene University site presents a map showing "The Second Most Spoken Languages Around the World." This is an interesting effort to get below surface descriptions of language use. As a Washington Post feature last year on languages in the U.S. put it, "Top-line statistics often reveal little. But peel back the first set of layers, and you reveal a lot of diversity - and history."

Second most spoken languages in Africa. Source graduate.olivet.edu

However, when dealing with the complex linguistic landscape of Africa, this effort runs into problems. The first issue is assuming that "The most spoken language in any country is often obvious; usually, it’s the official language of the country." In Africa this often is not the case, if by "most spoken" one counts number of speakers. An example is Mali, whose linguistic profile was explored on this blog in discussing the long-tail of languages - Bambara is certainly more used than the official French.

Official language is a category that doesn't lend itself to ranking use of languages in Africa, beyond the (admittedly important) context of official use and its spillover to popular use. In the case of two countries at least, this runs into additional problems:

• South Africa has 11 official languages (the Olivet site incorrectly lists only one of them - Zulu - as official). So one of the official languages will be second most spoken. Perhaps that is Xhosa as indicated, but the model focusing on official languages hasn't worked here.
• Rwanda has three official languages (Kinyarwanda, French, and English), and Central African Republic two (Sango and French). Since the site doesn't consider these official languages in discussing second most widely spoken, it is reduced to stating that Swahili is "second" most used in Rwanda, and that indigenous languages are used in CAR - which doesn't tell us much.
• Ethiopia has Oromo listed as the second most spoken language, but the detailed info notes that it is actually the first most spoken, with the official Amharic being second. So shouldn't Amharic be listed on this map instead of Oromo?

The type of situation in Ethiopia and Mali is probably the rule in African countries where one or two indigenous languages dominate (even when a Europhone language is official and therefore assumed to be the key linguistic descriptor for the countries).

A second issue is that in reading the individual country descriptions, it seems there may be a confusion between second most spoken language and most spoken second language (L2). This is a key distinction between numbers of L1+L2 speakers for the former (which will be predominately L1 for many languages), and just L2 speakers for the latter. When discussing English in many countries - one focus of the Olivet effort - almost all speakers will be L2, but that would be a special case within consideration of what language is second most used (per the title of the page). In the case of Liberia, however, where English is official, reference is then to local languages as "most common second language."

A minor issue is reference to "tribal languages" - not used in academic literature, and has negative messages in other contexts.

Another one is the coding used for languages - many of the two-letter abbreviations coincide with the standard two-letter ISO 639-1 codes, but others do not (Bambara would be "bm," not "ba"; Chichewa would be "ny" like Nyanja [same language]; "As" for Asante in Ghana would more appropriately be "Ak" for Akan. Where there is no ISO 639-1 code, then either an invented 2-letter code or better yet, a three-letter ISO 630-3 code could be used.

Despite issues mentioned above, this is an worthwhile effort that could potentially have use in education - of language learners, development practitioners, and policy makers. Some suggestions:

1. Be clear that it is "second most spoken language" throughout and consistently
2. Do not count official as the most spoken, especially in Africa - official may be most important on some levels, but not necessarily understood by most people. The story gets more interesting when one looks at most spoken languages (L1+L2 numbers) per country
3. Do not refer to "tribal" languages - indigenous, local, or whatever, there are more or less better terms
4. Use ISO 639-1 (and if necessary -3) codes
5. Name the indigenous languages - Ethnologue of course is a prime reference for names and numbers
6. Consider tracking third most spoken languages. Much of the work towards this will have been done anyway, in sorting through numbers to determine what is second most spoken.
7. An additional resource to consult is Jacques Leclerc's L'aménagement linguistique dans le monde
8. Keep in mind cross-border languages - Hausa and Swahili are well known, but Chewa and Nyanja are the same (as indicated above) and Bambara and Dioula (aka Jula) are mutually intelligible - could further development of this project include ranking regional (crossborder) languages?

See also the follow up more detailed analysis in Part 2.

Same-language subtitling for African languages?

The current edition of The Economist has a feature on "same-language subtitling" (SLS) as a literacy tool in India, entltled "Literacy in India: A bolly good read." Could SLS be used with African languages to promote literacy in Africa?

SLS is a bit like closed captioning in that it includes text in the language being spoken (or sung in), but the target is people who can hear and understand the language but are still learning to read. My limited understanding of subtitling is also that subtitled text gets more (or at least different) attention in production and display than does closed captioning.

The idea of SLS for literacy is not new, having been conceived two decades ago by Dr. Brij Kothari, who has continued work on development and use of the technique in India through the Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad and later his NGO, PlanetRead.

More broadly, the idea of using subtitles in the same language goes back at least a half-century to sing-along shows (such as the 1960s American "Sing Along With Mitch" TV program; a contemporary example is Disney's release of a "sing-along" version of the 2013 film, "Frozen"). Many Chinese film and TV productions, as the Economist article mentions, subtitle in hanzi which can be read by speakers of different Chinese languages written with them (Mandarin dialects, Cantonese).

However, as far as I've been able to tell, there is not yet any use of SLS for African languages - at least on a systematic basis.

SLS in African languages?

A recent tweet by the Ghanaian NGO, Kasahorow, raised hopes of an example of SLS in the Akan language:

Sing along to African music: #Akan #kasahorow Karaoke in Akan - Subscribe for free http://t.co/Uu0zzTJAZV

— kasahorow (@kasahorow) April 30, 2015

However, the YouTube videos are actually static images the of the lyrics with instrumental music in the background. Perhaps a step to SLS? Kasahorow, one should note, has quietly been doing a lot of production of learning and reference materials, plus some apps, for various African languages from around the continent. It would seem from afar that a collaboration between Kasahorow and PlanetRead could produce some very interesting results.

The topic of SLS came up in a session at the African Language Teachers Association/NCOLCTL conference last Saturday (25 April 2015). Two faculty from the University of Florida's Program in African Languages - Dr. James Essegbey and Dr. Charles Bwenge - presented on use of videos in Akan and Swahili (respectively) for L2 learners of those languages, and issues with production and access. A possible evolution of this kind of resource is to include subtitles/captions for the dialogues. While the subjects of these videos, and often the deliberate pace of speech in them (to facilitate L2 learners' understanding) may make most of them unsuitable for L1 (native) speakers, some of the more sophisticated ones might possibly be useful for literacy.

There is a significant amount of film, video drama, and music video production in African languages, and that is likely to increase. Use of SLS in popular releases might present a significant resource for L1 literacy in those languages, L2 language learning, and written use of African languages generally.

Final notes: I first learned of Dr. Kothari's work on SLS in the mid to late 1990s. The topic of SLS is mentioned in passing in two earlier postings on this blog:

• (no title), 18 January 2004 (mentioned an unfunded project proposal for HIV/AIDS education videos in Hausa and Zarma that would have included SLS in those languages)
• Putting the "ɛ" (back) in Mende, 9 October 2014 (suggested SLS in ebola education videos)

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Addendum, 1 May 2015

I understand from Brij Kothari that PlanetRead and Kasahorow have indeed collaborated virtually on one project to produce animated stories with SLS in Swahili. [See also his comment to this post.]

Addendum, 6 May 2015

I understand from James Essegbey that the Swahili videos shown by Charles Bwenge have subtitle capability.

Ebola information in Vai

Recent news of a new case of ebola in Liberia, and discussions such as that initiated by Bill Gates on preparedness for future possible epidemics, make the issue of developing health education resources in the first languages of potentially affected populations an ongoing and future priority.

Following up on previous postings of ebola information in various African languages, here is a translation in the Vai language of a FAQ on the virus from the World Health Organization, as transcribed in the Vai syllabary and in the exended Latin orthography. The translation and transcriptions were done by Tombekai V. Sherman and facilitated by Athinkra LLC. These are available in PDF format on Athinkra's Google site. Thanks to Charles Riley of Yale University for sharing the Word .doc versions, which are much simpler to copy into the blog.

Vai is spoken by over 100,000 people mainly in Liberia, but also in Sierra Leone.

The Vai syllabary is encoded in Unicode. To view the text, you may need to download a font. Free Vai fonts are available on Michael Everson's website. (See also the SIL Vai fonts page.)

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ꖦꖕꕰ ꕺꖃ ꗏ ꔳꘂ ꖴꗷ ꗏꗒꗡ ꕉꔱꔸꕪ ꕗꕴꔀ ꕞ ꖏꕎ

Dúúnyá kpolo lɔ tíyɛ́ kulɛ lɔndɔɛ áfíríka gbawoe lá kówa

ꖤꕢ ꖷꔧ ꘃ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ Iꕷꕞ ꕙꗐꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕞ

Túsá múĩ́ kɛ́ wáhátí kúluŋmɓa a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ ibhóla varɔ́si kiyaha la

ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꔳꕩ ꔈ ꕎ ꖏ? ꔤꕷꕞ ꔳꕩ ꕃꕩ ꗬꗷꕩꕌꔒ ꕎ ꖏ ꕉ ꘃꖷ ꕞ ꘊꘊ ꗪ ꗉꖺꗚ ꕉꖷ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ ꕉ ꕧꕴ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꕮ ꔧ ꘃꗺ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꕞ ꕉꖸꕊ ꗪ ꕃꔤꘂ ꗱ (ꗚ ꗅꘋ, ꖑꔓꕞ, ꔧ ꕴꖃ) ꕉꖷ ꕃꕩ ꔫꔤ ꕯ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꕎ ꗱ. ꕉꕌ ꘊꘊ ꗪ ꘃ ꗉꖺꗚ ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꗞ ꕘꕌ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖫ ꖝ ꗏ, ꘃ, ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉ ꕧꕌ. ꕉꔤ ꘊꘊ ꕪꕮ? ꕪꘋ ꖷ ꗏꔤ ꕙꖄꔻ ꘈꗢꖸ ꖸ ꔮꔷꘋꔕ ꗪ ꖦꖕꕰ, ꗞ ꕮ ꕉ ꗓ, ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꗏ ꕪꔒ ꕮꕊ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꔖꔜ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꖃꘋꕡ ꗞ ꘃꗺ ꖸ ꗏ. ꕎꕌꔳ ꖴꖨꘋ ꕒ, ꗞꗢ ꔖꔜꕯꕊ ꕩꕌ ꔬꕩ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖷ ꕉ ꖤꖕꔒꔀ ꘃꗺ ꔌꘋ ꕞ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꘈꗢ ꗪ ꕉ ꗏ. ꕃꕞꔤ ꔳ ꕎ ꘃ ꘃꖷ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂꔤ ꗞ ꔬꕩ ꕒꕡ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕩ ꖤꖕꔒꔀ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꕞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꗞ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪ ꗳ ꕉ ꕺꖃ ꗏ, ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꗚ ꕴꔤ, ꗷꔤ, ꕸ, ꗻꔤ, ꕔꔺ, ꔧ ꕉꖸ ꗃ ꗠꖻ ꖸ, ꔧ ꗏ ꕃꔷ ꔌꘋ ꖷꔧ ꗃ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕮꔧ.  ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꘊꘊꕰ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꗱ ꗚ ꘈꗻꔤ, ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꕞ ꕒꘋ ꖤꖕꕎ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖸ ꕞ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꕉ ꘃꖷ ꔻꔭꔤꔒ ꕞ ꔳ ꗳ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻꘂ ꕞ. ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꕎꕌꔳ ꔬꕩ ꔎꔒ ꗱꕞ ꗪ ꔎꔒ ꗞ ꕒꘋꔕ ꕉ ꗛꖺ ꗏꗒ ꗳ ꕮꕊ ꗏ ꘃꖷ ꕉꔤ ꗬꗷꕩꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕙꖄꔻ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕧꔤ ꕀꕩ ꕪꕮ ꔧ ꖏ ꖷ ꖸ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕩꕌ ꕮ ꗞ ꕺꖃ ꗏ? ꕃꕮ  ꗉꗟ ꘃ  ꖝ ꗏ ꗃ  ꕪꘋꗜꖺ ꖨꘋ  ꖨꘋ ꗓꕯꕊ ꖸ ꗪ ꖬꘂ ꖬꘂꗡ ꗏ  ꖝ ꗏ ꖨꘋ  ꖴꘋ ꖨꘋ  ꕪꔷ ꘈꗻ ꗚ ꗠꖻꗠꖻ ꕎꔤ ꕯ ꗞ ꔬꕩ  ꕪꔷ, ꕧ ꗅ ꗏ ꕧꕌꔒ, ꔻꖎ ꔻꖎ, ꕉꖷ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꗃꖺ ꖸ ꗏ, ꕴꔤ ꔳ ꗃꕯ ꕪꘋ ꖷ ꔰ ꖇꕱ ꗪ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꕮ.  ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉ ꕧꕌ ꕪꕮ? ꔤ ꖬꕮ ꘃꖷ ꔤ ꕮ ꖤꖕ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꔰ ꕞ ꕉ ꘃꖷꔧ ꗃ ꔤꕷꕞ ꗞꖻ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ ꖺ ꗞ ꖷ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪ ꕉ ꕞ. ꗞ ꖷꔧ ꕔꕌ ꗞ ꗷꔤ ꘈꗢ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꗐꕒ ꕸꕔꔤ ꔳ ꕉ ꕸꖃ, ꕉꖷ ꕧ ꗅ ꖴꕮ ꗱꗡ ꘈꗢꘈꗢꔧ ꔳ ꕉ ꕧ ꗅꗡ ꖸ ꖴꕮ, ꕉꖷ ꕉ ꖬꘋ ꕮ ꖝꘋꔕꔤ ꔳ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꔰ ꕧ ꕀꕩ ꔒꘋ ꗨꗡ ꗪ ꘃ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꖴꘋ ꔳꕩ ꕉ ꕞ, ꕉꖸꔧ ꕚꕌ ꕉ ꕞ ꕧꕮ ꘀꕇ ꕪꘋ ꘃꖷ ꕉꖸ ꖴꘋ ꕉ ꘀꗫꕩ ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗓ ꔎꘋ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ. ꕕ ꖷ ꗏ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗞ ꖸ ꘀꗫ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕞ  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸꔧ ꕘꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꗱ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗞꗢ ꘃ ꗏꖺꕎ ꔌꘋ ꗅꖤ ꗅꖤ ꗏ ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌ ꕚꕴ ꕧꕮ;  ꕕ ꖷ ꗞ ꖸꔧ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꔇꔀ ꕧꕮ ꘀꕇ ꕪꘋ ꔧ ꕉꕡꕌ ꗱꗡ ꘃ ꔤꕷꕞꕌ ꖴꘋ ꔳꕩ ꗞ ꕞ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꔰ ꕔ ꗱ ꗓꖺ ꗪ ꕮꕯ ꕉꕌ ꖏ ꕮ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩꕌ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌ ꕮ ꕧꘋꕨꕌ ꕎ ꘃ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕮꔕꔀ ꖸ ꕞ, ꕉꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꗓ ꕃꕩ ꔫꔤ ꕞ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꖸ ꗱ ꗯꗷꘋ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꗪ ꗓ ꘃꕯ ꖽꔻꔪꕿꔀ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗱꗡ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ ꖏꕎ ꔧ ꕃꕞ ꖷ ꖸ ꗱ ꕉ ꖴꘋ ꘊꘊꕰ. ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꕞ ꔷꔤ ꖏ ꖸ ꕮ ꗚ ꕃꕞ ꖷ ꖸ ꗱ ꗞ ꖸꔧ ꕀ ꖺ ꕴꔤ ꔬ ꕉꖸ ꕙꕰꕊ ꖸ ꗏ ꔧ ꗓ ꘃ ꖷ ꔰ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕴꔤ ꖏ ꕞ, ꖺ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꗪ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꔧ ꗐꕒ ꘃ ꗞ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ ꕀ ꗃ ꖏꕎ, ꔧ ꕀ ꖺ ꕴꔤ ꕢꕌ ꖴꖫ ꖷ ꔰ ꕉꖸꕩꕌ ꘃꕩ ꕔꔤ ꗏ, ꕉꖸꕊ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꔳ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕉ ꕢꔒ ꗪ ꘀꘉ ꔞꘋ ꖏꔀ ꖸ ꕮ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ. ꖽꔻꔪꕿ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꗏꗒ ꔰ ꕉꖸꕊ ꕃꔤ ꔌꘋ ꗏꔤ ꖸꔧ ꔳ ꕉ ꘃ ꖷ ꗪꘋꕡ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꕞ ꔬꕩ ꕃꔤꘂ ꕮ, ꗚ ꕸꖃꕒꕌꕇ ꕮꔧ ꕈꕰꔒ, ꗏꖺꕎ ꕸꖃ ꕸꕔ, ꖬꘋ ꕮ ꖝꘋ ꔌꘋ, ꔧ ꕧ ꗅ ꕮ ꖝꘋ ꔌꘋ. ꗓ ꘃ ꗱ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꕕ ꕮꕊ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꕉꖸ ꔱꔷ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꗽꘉꔒꔤ ꔳ ꕞꕌꕃꔤ ꕪ ꗨꗡꘉꗢ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꕉꖸ ꘃ ꗏ ꕔꔤ ꗏ.  ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꖴꘋ ꗏ ꘊꘊꕰ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕞ ꖏꕞ ꗟꖺꔒꔀ ꖸ ꗱ ꖺ ꔉꔊ ꕧ ꖏꕞ ꖷ ꕃꕩ ꗞꗢ ꕢꕌ ꕉ ꕮ. ꕕ ꖷ ꔌꘋ ꗷꔤ ꘈꗢꖸ ꖸ ꗽꘉꗷꔤ ꔳ ꕞꕌꕃꔤꕪ ꗨꗡꘉꗢ ꗞꔧ ꕿ ꖤꖕ ꕉꖸ ꕞ.  ꔒꔟꕩ ꖷ ꔰ ꕮ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕞ ꗃꕎꘋ, ꖸ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꕮꔧ ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꔵ ꘃ ꕉ ꗏ ꘃꖷ ꗞꗢ ꖸ ꗬꗡꔤ ꖴꘋꗒ ꕪ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗱꗡ ꕉ ꕞ ꗓꔒ ꗪ ꕃꕩꕌ ꗪꗡ ꕞ, ꔧ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗞ ꖴꘋ ꕸꖃ ꔉꕖꕌ ꕉꕌ ꘊꘊꗢ ꕧꕌ, ꕉ ꕒꕢꔒ ꗪ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꗞꔧ ꕘꕌ ꖏꔀ ꖸ ꖴꘋ ꔻꔤ. ꗞ ꖷ ꖸꔧ ꕘꕌ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕼꕱ ꗱ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸ ꕩꕌꖸ ꕚꕴ ꕧꕮ ꔧ ꗷꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕩꕌ ꔇꔀ ꖴꘋ ꗞ ꕮꔕ ꖸ ꔬꕩꕌ.  ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꕃꔤ ꖷ ꕃꕞ ꔋꘋꔋꘋ ꖷ ꗱ ꗞ ꖸ ꖴꘋ ꕃꕩ ꘈꗢ ꔬꕩꕌ ꕉ ꗃ ꗱ ꕉ ꔳꕩ ꕴꔤ ꗱ ꕎ, ꔧ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꕩꕌꖸ ꕈꕰ ꖺ ꕀ ꔌꘋ ꖷ ꖸ ꔰꔤ ꗃ ꖝꖕꕯꕊ ꗏ, ꗞ ꖷ ꖸ ꕔꕌꔒ ꔳꕩ ꔤꕷꕞ ꕃꕩ ꗞꖻ ꕞ, ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꔧ ꔳ ꕧ ꘀꗫ ꕚꘋꔕ ꗛꖺ. ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꕩꕌꖸ ꕺꖃꔀ ꕞ ꕔꔺꘂ ꘀꗫ ꔻꔤꕯꕊ ꗱꕞ ꔎꔒ ꔰ ꖝ ꗏ, ꕉꖷ ꕕ ꖷ ꕉꖸꕩꕌꖸ ꕮ ꕧꘋꕨꕌ ꗞ ꕮꔕ ꖸ ꕞ ꕎꕌꔳ ꖷ ꗏꖺ ꕉꕡꕌ ꗱꗡꔒꔀ ꘃ ꕉ ꕺꖃꔀ ꗪ ꕔꔺꕯꕊ ꖺ ꕃꕮ ꗪ ꗻꗡꕯꕊ ꕉ ꕞ.

Ibhóla várɔ́si kiyaha tiya mɓe wá ko? Ibhóla tiya kiya kpɛlɛyáhalé wá ko a kɛ mú lá nyɛnyɛ ɓɛ fɔɔyɔ amu wáhátí kúluŋ ɓa a jáwo mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú ma hĩ kɛ́ndɛ́ feŋ mú nú kpãha mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú la anúã ɓɛ́ kiiyɛ fɛ (yɔ́ kpɔŋ, goréla, hĩ woló) amu kiya ɓhií na ibhóla varɔ́si wá fɛ. Aha nyɛ́nyɛ́ ɓɛ kɛ fɔɔyɔ amu a kuŋ mɔ faha wáhátí kúndú ɓú lɔ, kɛ́ mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha a jáha. Ai nyɛnyɛ káma? Kaŋ mú lɔ́í várɔ́si mɛɛ̃nú nu kpíliŋndé ɓɛ dúúnyá, mɔ má a sɔ tíŋ tiŋ, amu a lɔ kálé máã lɛ́i mú sénjé várɔ́siyɛ loŋnda mɔ kɛ́ndɛ́ nú lɔ. wáhátí kúluŋ ɓa, mɔɛ̃ sénjénaã yaha ɓiya wáhátí mú a tuulée kɛ́ndɛ́ feŋ la a kɛ mú várɔ́si mɛɛ̃ ɓɛ a lɔ. Kílai ti wá kɛ kɛmú ibhóla varɔ́siyɛi mɔ ɓiya ɓanda mú lɔ́ɔ ya tuulée jí feŋ nú la mɔ ɓúunaã lɔ, mɔ lɛ́i mú kiyáha ɓɛ tɛ́ a kpoló lɔ, féŋ nú yɔ́ woí, lɛ́i, ɓo, sɛ́í, kpãndí, hĩ anú ɓɔ́ nyɔ́ɔ́ nú, hĩ lɔ́ kili feŋ múĩ́ ɓɔ mɔɛ̃ máí. A kuŋ nyɛ́nyɛ́nya féŋ nú fɛ yɔ́ mɛ́sɛí, a kɛ mú la ɓaŋ tuúwa jí feŋ nú la mɔ ɓúunaã lɔ, a kɛ mú símɓiilé la ti tɛ́ ibhóla varɔ́siyɛ la. A kuŋ wáhátí ɓíya télé fɛlá ɓɛ́ télé mɔ ɓáŋndé a kɔ́ɔ lɔndɔ́ tɛ maã lɔ kɛmú ai kpɛlɛyaha Ibhóla varɔ́isi kiyaha jái jiya káma hĩ kó mú nú kiyaha yaha ma mɔ kpoló lɔ? kímá  fɔ́nɔ́ kɛ́  gbú lɔ ɓɔ́  káŋngɔ́ɔ lúŋ  lúŋ sɔnáã nu ɓɛ́ suyɛ súyɛɛ lɔ  ɓú lɔ lúŋ  kuŋ lúŋ  kali mɛ́sɛ́ yɔ́ nyɔ́ɔ́nyɔ́ɔ wái ná mɔ ɓiya  kalí, já kpɔ́ lɔ jahalé, síyo síyo, amu kiya mɔɛ̃ ɓɔ́ɔ nú lɔ, woí ti ɓɔ́na kaŋ mú gbi sóó ɓɛ mɔ ɓúunaã ma. Mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha a jáha káma? I suma kɛmú í má tuu jí feŋ gbi la a kɛmúĩ́ ɓɔ ibhóla mɔɔ̃́ ɓúunaã lɔ ɔ mɔ mú ibhóla kiyaha ɓɛ a la. Mɔ múĩ́ kpãha mɔ lɛ́i mɛɛ̃ la, kpã mu rɔ́ɓa ɓokpai ti a ɓóló, ja kpɔ́ kuma fɛ̃ɛ́ mɛɛ̃mɛɛ̃ĩ́ ti a já kpɔɛ nú kuma, amu a súŋ ma ɓúŋndéi ti.  Mɔ mú gbi já jíyá leŋ pɛ́ɛ́ ɓɛ kɛ ibhólá kiyaha kuŋ tiya a la, anúĩ taha a la jama jɛnɛ kaŋ kɛmú anú kuŋ a jɛ́mɓɛya amu anúĩ sɔ téŋ kiya mɛɛ̃ la. kpã mu lɔ́ anúĩ mɔ nú jɛmɓɛ a ku mú nú kpãhalé tiya ibhóla kiya mɔɔ̃́ la.  Mɔ mú núĩ faha ibhóla fɛ, kpã mu anúĩ mɔɛ̃ kɛ rɔ́ɓa feŋ kpɔ́tú kpɔ́tú lɔ amu anúyaha tawo jáma;  Kpa mu mɔ núĩ kuŋndɔ ká ɓee jáma jɛni kaŋ hĩ andaha fɛɛ kɛ ibhóla kuŋ tiya mɔ la.  Mɔ mú gbi kpã fɛ sɔ́ɔ ɓɛ mána aha kó ma a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ ibhóla kiyaha la, kpã mú anú yaha ma jaŋnjaha wá kɛ kiya mɔɔ̃́ mandée nú la, amu anúĩ sɔ kiya ɓhií la ɓiya kííyɛ nu fɛ gbɛ́lɛ́ŋ.  Mɔ mú nú gbi ɓɛ sɔ kɛ́na hɔsipítoe, kpã mu anúĩ kuŋndɔ ká táŋndé fɛɛ a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiya mɛɛ̃ lá kówa hĩ kíla mú nú fɛ a kuŋ nyɛ́nyɛ́nya. kpã mu anúĩ lá lii kó nú ma yɔ́ kíla mú nú fɛ mɔ núĩ jí ɔ woí ɓi anú vanyáa nú lɔ ɔ sɔ kɛ́ mú gbi lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ woi ko la, ɔ jí feŋ mú nú gbi ɓɛ ɓúunáã lɔ, hĩ …... anúa ɓiya kííyɛi ti lɛ́i mú lɔ́ɔ a salé ɓɛ jɛni keŋ koe nú ma a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiya mɛɛ̃ la. hosipíto mɔɛ̃ nú lɔndɔ́ gbi anúa kili feŋ núĩ ti a kɛ mú ɓɛŋnda kiya mɛɛ̃ la ɓiya kííyɛ ma, yɔ́ ɓólóɓáhání máí nyínyalé, rɔ́ɓa ɓóló ɓokpa, súŋ ma ɓúŋ feŋ, hĩ já kpɔ́ kuma fɛ́ɛ́ mɛɛ̃mɛɛ̃. Sɔ kɛ́ feŋ mú nú kpã máã mɔĩ to anú fili, kpã mu anú zɛnɛléi ti lahakiika pɛ́ɛ́nɛ́ɛ̃ mɔĩ to anú kɛ kpái lɔ.  Lengéya mú gbi ma ibhóla la ɓɔwaŋ, nú mɔɛ̃ nú máí kpã mu anúĩ dí kɛ a lɔ kɛmú mɔɛ̃ nú kpɛ́ɛ́i kuŋndɔ ká táŋndé fɛɛ a lá sɔ́lé ɓɛ kiyaha ɓɛ́ɛ la, hĩ lɛ́i mú mɔ kuŋ ɓóló kpemgbáha aha nyɛ́nyɛɛ̃ jáha, a ɓasalé ɓɛ lɛ́i mú mɔĩ faha kóe nú kuŋ sii. Mɔ mú núĩ faha ibhóla fɛ, kpã mu anúyahanú tawo jáma hĩ lɛ́i mú kiyáha ɓée kuŋ mɔ mandé nú ɓiyaha.  Mɔ mú nú kpãhalé tiya Kii mú kila gbeŋgbeŋ mú fɛ mɔ kuŋ kiya mɛɛ̃ ɓiyáha a ɓɔ fɛ a tiya woí fɛ wa, hĩ ji feŋ mú nú gbi ɓúu náã yahanú nyinya ɔ féŋ mú nú gbii ɓɔ ɓúu náã lɔ, mɔ mú nú kpãhalé tiya ibhóla mɔɔ̃́ la, kpã mu anúĩ ti já jɛ́mɓɛ́ táŋndé kɔ́ɔ. kpã mu anúyahanú kpolóe lá kpãndiyɛ jɛmɓɛ si náã fɛlá télé gbi ɓu lɔ, amu kpã mu anúyahanú ma jaŋnjaha mɔ mandée nú la wáhátíĩ́ mú lɔ́ɔ andaha fɛ́ɛ́lée kɛ a kpolóe ɓɛ kpãndi náã ɔ kimá ɓɛ sɛɛ náã la.

                                   Communication, Advocacy and Media Unit
                                   Telephone: + 472 413 9420, + 242 06 614 2401
                                   E-mail: afrgodrdcam@who.int
                                   Source: World Health Organization Regional Office for Africa

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Addendum (27 March 2015)

As far as I'm aware, there are 3 Unicode fonts that include the Vai script:

• Dukor (Evertype)
• Ebrima (African font provided with Windows 7)
• Wakor (Evertype; this is based on the old SIL Vai font, which is not Unicode)

Health information in African languages ... from the US

A number of health agencies in the US have information available in various languages, as part of serving immigrant communities. These include some African languages. A sampling of sites includes:

• National Institutes of Health
• HealthReach: Health Information in Many Languages (database with lookup; includes items not specifically on health)
• MedLine (a significant selection of materials, listed alphabetically by language)
• EthnoMed (includes short list by language, as well as list of other sites, some of which may have materials in diverse languages)
• Echo Minnesota (page has several languages, both in a short list on left and in the sidebar at right)

African languages with significant materials include: Amharic; Arabic; Oromo; Somali; Swahili; and Tigrinya. Such materials are freely available for use. They might also help in drafting articles for Wikipedia editions in those languages (per the work of Wiki Project Medicine's Translation Task Force).

More on written Malinke

The previous post highlighted issues with choice of Malinke orthography, and with spelling, in an ebola poster. Thanks to several responses* to a message about this sent to the Mande Studies Association (MANSA) list, I'm able to give more information on the situation of written Malinke in Guinea.

First, as background: Malinke (known to its speakers as Maninka) is a Manding language (within the Mande group) spoken primarily in upper Guinea as well as in southwestern Mali. It is closely related to Mandingo (Mandinka), Bambara (Bamanan), and Dyula (Jula) spoken in several countries of West Africa. There are four ways of writing the language in Guinea, of which the first two in the list below are Latin-based. The Latin-based and Arabic-based (Ajami) transcriptions include modifications to letter values to accommodate the sounds in the language - a process observed with other languages of the region as well.

1. Pre-1985 orthography (developed by the newly independent Guinea using available characters and accents on French typewriters, for use in all Guinean languages)
2. Current or "reformed" orthography (harmonized with usage in neighboring countries per the African Reference Alphabet, which incorporates some characters used in the International Phonetic Alphabet)
3. Ajami (Arabic-based; I understand that this is more commonly used in Mandingo/Mandinka of Gambia and Senegal than for any other Manding language)
4. N'Ko (created by Solomana Kante in 1949 and spread since then by an active grassroots movement; it is incidentally the only system in which one consistently marks tones)

The information from responses to my message on MANSA is that N'Ko today is the most used system for writing Maninka in Guinea. It evidently was finally recognized by the Guinean government in 2011.

The current Latin-based orthography (#2) is used by literacy efforts, but has not been taught in schools, so is not widely used (language of instruction policy in Guinea would be another discussion). The old Latin-based orthography (#1), which was taught in schools through 1984, is still used by people familiar with it. Apparently people not familiar with the current Latin-based system (due mainly to the unfamiliar extended characters borrowed from IPA) are more comfortable with the old orthography. However, the irregularities in use of the latter observed in the previously discussed ebola poster are said to be common in other writing.

Some suggestions:

• Development communication and health education efforts in Upper Guinea should prioritize use of N'Ko. 
• If Latin transcriptions are used, it may make sense to make use of both Latin transcriptions. Conversion from one to the other should be simple (a guide and perhaps a software tool could be developed to facilitate this).
• In any case, material in any Malinke transcription - whether composed or translated - should be reviewed (per 2Ds & 4Rs), preferably before publication. While it may be that irregular spelling can still be understood, the range of alternate spellings could lead to misunderstanding and will make sharing and re-use problematic.
• On a broader scale, primary education in countries where extended Latin alphabets are used (such as those of West Africa) should teach the expanded alphabet to children, regardless of the language of instruction. This would facilitate first language literacy, and could be done in a way that does not confuse students.

* Thanks to Valentin Vydrin, Ibrahima Sory Condé, and John Hutchison for their responses and information.

Does spelling matter in Malinke ebola materials?

An earlier post looked at problems with non-standard Bambara in an ebola poster. Here I'll look at similar issues with a poster in Malinke (Maninka), a closely related Manding language spoken mainly in upper Guinea, and also southwestern Mali.

The Malinke poster at right is a translation of a CDC poster on ebola symptoms, one of various different materials translated into a number of languages by Translators Without Borders. It appears to be written in the old, pre-1985 Guinean orthography with some French spellings.

After independence, Guinea adopted a common alphabet to transcribe all its languages, using the keys available on the typewriters of the day. Many people learned to read and write with these spelling rules (I personally encountered people and Pular materials using this system, and used it myself, in the mid-1980s), and to some degree their use persists.

When the government transitioned after the death of longtime president Sékou Touré in the mid-1980s, Guinea adopted an orthography harmonized with that of the other countries of the region. For Malinké that meant for example the following changes: dy → j ; è → ɛ ; nh → ŋ ; ny → ɲ ; ö → ɔ ; and ty → c (the latter sound is represented by "ch" in English and variously by "tch" or "thi" in French).

The French writing influences in the poster are dj instead of dy or j, and ou instead of u. The accent aigu on é in the poster is probably gratuitous (the letter e in the old and new Malinke orthographies indicates the same sound) - unless a tone was intended by the writer (Manding languages are tonal, but usually tones are not marked in writing them in Latin-based script).

To see what the current orthography would look like, a simple set of substitutions would be straightforward, however I'm not sure on some word divisions (what knowledge I have of Bambara is an imperfect guide for that task).

The product as is, is presumably readable - and read-aloud-able - by many in Guinea since it is based on the older transcription. I don't have information on how widespread use of the new orthography is, but that is a question that should be considered.

And to the extent it is used consistently, conversion to the new system would be easy - which would facilitate use with Malinké populations outside of Guinea, or comparison with materials in other Manding languages (for terminology development etc.). Malike is also written in the N'Ko script (which has been the subject of some previous posts) - transcription between that and the Latin-based systems for communication or for comparison  is not as simple.

So in answer to whether spelling matters - yes, especially if the material is to be re-used or reviewed in comparison to other materials in Malinke or in other Manding languages. The fact that there has been a change in orthographies adds a complication, but one easily dealt with if each system is used consistently. And as indicated above, the matter of relative knowledge and use of the old and new orthographies for Malinke - and other languages of Guinea - is a question.

Addendum (2 January 2015)

I am told that the ebola poster above has numerous mistakes. This again points to the need to review materials in African languages (per "2Ds & 4Rs"), preferably before publication.

See also follow up posting: "More on written Malinke."

When do Liberian languages bear mentioning in ebola reporting?

A recent Oxfam piece about door-to-door ebola education volunteers in the West Point township of Liberia's capital, Monrovia, is an interesting story about local level efforts to combat the epidemic...

Read how Oxfam door-to-door volunteers are helping prevent to #stopthespread of #Ebola in Liberia http://t.co/X9C50PxWsS
— Oxfam International (@Oxfam) December 25, 2014

However it tells us nothing about the important linguistic aspects of this communication and research effort in multilingual Liberia. What languages does a volunteer like the profiled Agnes Nyantie use in speaking with various people in West Point? What kind of training did she and colleagues receive in those languages? When she "meticulously" fills out visit forms, is she doing so verbatim, or translating from one spoken language to another written one (presumably English)?

It may be that all is done seamlessly in English (the official language), but given that Liberia is a country where 31 languages are spoken (per Ethnologue), that no first language is spoken by more than 20% of the population (per Aménagement linguistique dans le monde), and standard English is spoken by only about 20% of the population (per Fact Monster), that seems unlikely.

Liberian (Pidgin) English is spoken as a second language by around half the population, playing a role analogous to Krio in Sierra Leone, though not as widespread, and apparently not as standardized. So it may be that a lot of the conversations that would be part of work like that being done in West Point take place in the pidgin. However, would a non-standardized pidgin be used to fill out visit forms?

What about the first languages of Liberia in ebola work? They are used on radio stations, for instance. A story last October in Jeune Afrique highlighted local radio in first languages of Liberia, such as Bassa. A WHO/Africa story discusses traditional chiefs of the National Traditional Council of Liberia recording "several radio messages in different languages telling their people to take steps to avoid Ebola" - these recordings were also used on radio.

It would seem likely that these languages are used commonly in local level person-to-person interactions about ebola - whether of the sort described in West Point or in treatment facilities, etc.

However, given the lack of standardized writing for some languages (different situation from some other countries of the region) and use of indigenous scripts which are not yet fully supported on computers/mobile devices for writing some of them, there may not be much ebola messaging in text format - though that is a question to answer.

So back to the Oxfam article... Recognizing the importance of that organization's contributions to the fight against ebola, and the courageous work of local volunteers working with it to inform and research in ebola striken areas, it would be informative to have more details on the linguistic dimensions of their communication and survey efforts.

Ebola materials in Temne (Temen, Themine, Themne, Timene, Timini, Timne, Timmannee)

Temne translation by TWB.
Source: International SOS.

A posting on this blog in September featured an ebola message in several languages of Sierra Leone, but not Temne, which is widely used mainly in the north of the country (over a million speakers). Here I'll highlight some ebola materials in Temne (with notes about the name of the language at the end).

First is a translation of the the widely translated and circulated ebola poster by International SOS (on right). This was dated October 7, and done by Translators Without Borders (TWB, which also was involved in producing Mende and Krio versions of the poster).

TWB also helped Humanitarian Response with production of Temne versions of "Social Mobilisation Key Messages" and "Messages for children and caregivers on Ebola - Child Protection and Education."

Other material I'm aware of is audio, beginning with Temne versions of the CDC's radio spots. These recordings - which now are in 17 African languages or varieties of those languages (aside from English and French versions) - have been mentioned several times previously on this blog. It is worth recalling that these audio spots are not accompanied by text version in these languages, and there is no information about the approach(es) taken to producing the translations.

Scientific Animations Without Borders (SAWBO) has produced an animation on ebola, and one of the voice-overs is in Temne. SAWBO's products are available in formats for viewing on cell phones and computer (though there do not appear to be text versions / scripts available).

I am not aware of any material on ebola developed directly in Temne (written or recorded), although on the levels of national or community radio there may have been some significant use of the language in messaging.

What's in a spelling?

A quick comment on nomenclature. The name for the language is rendered in quite a few variant spellings (perhaps including some misspellings), several of which I've listed in the title. These have been observed on the web and/or taken from Ethnologue. Such variation in spelling can't help in managing information in the language. This is not problem unique to Temne (I discussed it in another posting), but seems to be a bit extreme in this case.

The most widely used spellings in English seem to be "Temne" and "Themne," although I remember hearing the language called "Timini" by a native speaker some time ago (the name in the language itself is apparently "Themnɛ"). Would it be possible to settle on one or two spellings that all organizations working in/with this language would use to refer to it?

Two more ebola posters in Bambara

Here are two other Bambara translations of the widely translated and circulated ebola poster by International SOS.

In a previous posting, I called attention to another version of the same poster in non-standard Bambara. Both of the ones discussed here use the current standard orthography, but also appear to be a better and more complete translations. However there are differences, which provide an opportunity to review them in comparison and ask questions about methods and outcomes.

The one on the left below was posted on Facebook on October 2 (original provenance not clear); the one to its right was translated by NGO Miriyawa and came from the International SOS site, dated December 1.

To facilitate parallel review of differences between the two translations, the headings (only) are presented in the table below - along the lines of what I did for the previous Bambara translation (which can be opened in a separate screen for comparison):

EBOLA VIRISI (BANAKISԐ)	EBOLA
EBOLA YE MUN YE, A BԐ YԐLԐMA COGODI?	EBOLA YE MUYE A BԐ MϽGϽ SϽRϽ COGODI?
MUN YE EBOLA TAAMASHԐNW YE? Tamashԑnw bԑ daminԑ tile 2 magalen kᴐ Ebolatᴐ walima a fure la	EBOLA TAMASԐNW YE MUN YE? Tamasԑnw bese ka daminԑn tile 2-21 i magalen kᴐfԑ banabagatᴐ la walima a su la
Tamashԑn Kunfᴐlᴐw - Tamashԑn Labanw >	Tamasԑn Fᴐlᴐ - Tamasԑn Wԑrԑw >
EBOLA KUNBԐNI ANI WALI KԐTA N'I BANARA?	EBOLA KUNBԐ COGO ANI ANW KAN KA MUNKԐ

The differences show how different people or teams can come up with alternative ways of rendering the same text - presumably comparable in meaning, but not necessarily equal in accuracy or comprehensibility. Or, if the two were actually translated from different versions (for example, one from French and the other from English), this shows how that can result in different outcomes in the target language (Bambara in this case). It is useful in any event, I think, to first compare the two versions in terms of the language in which they are written: Leaving aside copy-editing issues (spelling; typography), how accurate and understandable are the alternative headings - and the rest of the text?

Going back a step, one question is whether there was any back-translation in either case to verify the accuracy of the translations. Also, what kind of proofing (copy-editing) was done on each version? There are some errors and inconsistencies, although probably not enough to affect meaning.

Another question is whether either of these versions were "field tested" to get an idea of how an average reader - or a listener to the text being read aloud - would understand and react to the text. And visually, how people react to the illustrations. If that was not done, it would be informative to field test the two versions together (perhaps adding the previously discussed one as well).

When doing translations for public education about a health emergency, there is obviously a concern with getting materials out there promptly. However, translation shouldn't be a "once and done" thing. I've previously outlined a case for review of materials (in the context of 2Ds & 4Rs), but review - including quality control - needn't delay initial roll-out of material. Some level of review can be built into the initial process, and then follow-up review can follow. In the case of Bambara there are several materials on ebola available now (remember also the MHOP/Dokotoro factsheet and the Bambara Wikipedia article), which could provide the basis for a more in-depth analysis of use of Bambara for communicating about this virus and other diseases.

Finally, a quick word about "banakisɛ," which appears in one of the above posters. Composed of "bana" (sickness) and "kisɛ" (seed), the literal sense seems very evocative, and in any case more tangible than the abstract loan "virisi." Definitely would wash my hands thoroughly to get rid of those banakisɛw.

Languages & communication in Senegal's ebola success

Ebola prevention poster in Wolof.
Y'en a marre and An@fa. 
Source: TWB via Alexandria blog

Senegal was declared ebola-free in mid-October, just before a similar declaration for Nigeria. Having previously looked at languages and communication in Nigeria's success, this post will do the same (belatedly) for Senegal. Language is a key consideration in ebola messaging in the multilingual states of West Africa, even if that fact is sometimes overlooked (such as by a National Geographic article on four lessons from Nigeria and Senegal, or a US Embassy Dakar sponsored conference for journalists on responsible ebola reporting).

By way of background, French is the official language of Senegal, and Wolof the most widely spoken. Of the country's 38 languages (by Ethnologue's count). Wolof and five other languages - Jola (Diola in French spelling), Malinke, Pulaar (as Fula is known there), Serer, and Soninke - are the main national languages. I'll return below to more detailed discussion of categorizating indigenous languages in Senegal, as it could be relevant to planning messaging strategies in similar multilingual countries like Mali, which is the latest country in the region to have an ebola crisis.

Enter, ebola

Prior to the sole ebola case in the Senegal - an infected man who came from Guinea to Dakar before the closing of the Guinea-Senegal border on August 21 (he ultimately recovered) - the country had been "well-prepared with an Ebola response plan as early as March." From what information I've been able to gather, information and public education aspects of this plan used a number of languages, but mainly Wolof and French. (An earlier posting included some links to videos and other web-based info in Wolof and Fula/Pulaar.)

A Senegalese source I consulted (Dr. Ibra Sene) indicated that Wolof and French were used in various media as part of the "massive campaign" to educate people about ebola. However, a report in International Business Times (25 September), characterized radio and television broadcasts of ebola prevention messages as "all day long, in all languages" (without specifying which). If the latter is accurate, it is likely that local community radio stations extended the campaign in additional languages (more on community radio below).

Still, an SIL-led initiative for translation in southern Senegal was a response to the perception of insufficient attention to communicating about ebola in less-widely spoken languages. It focused on developing ebola materials in the Bandial Gusilay, Jola (Jola-Fonyi), and Manjaku languages of Casamance. Two expat literacy workers in Senegal who facilitated the workshop, Clare Orr and Elisabeth Gerger,  framed it this way

"These days, a lot of awareness-raising about Ebola is going on across Senegal on the radio and TV. However, many people in the villages don't speak enough French, Senegal's official language, or Wolof, the most widely-used national language, to understand the message well. This is why we are trying to reach them through documents and information in their own languages. Those who are able to read in their language can always read the information aloud for those who can't."

 Community radio

Community radio is a key component of development communication in much of Africa (see here and here, for example), including Senegal. A grant by OSIWA in September to the Senegalese Union des Radios Associatives et Communautaires (URAC) for an ebola education program on 73 radio stations reflects the importance of this medium.

A couple of articles have highlighted community radio broadcasts about ebola in first languages of other countries - Guinea, and Liberia and West Africa in general - so one may assume that something similar has been happening in on community radio stations in Senegal. Questions relating to African language broadcasts about ebola on community radio include: which languages?; how was the material developed/translated?; and is any of it available in recordings or transcriptions?

An interesting dimension of communication via local radio in West Africa is that of associated radio listeners' clubs. The UN FAO noted use of these (and a training for club leaders) to address ebola in communities in Senegal.

Social media

On social media, an interesting initiative launched at the end of August as a Facebook group called SenStopEbola, with an associated Twitter account @senstopebola, translated notices and advice on ebola into seven Senegalese languages (see also here; the languages were not specified, but presumably included French and the 6 main national languages). .

Senegal made use of SMS to send text messages about ebola, but reports I've seen have not indicated what languages were used or the content of messages. Also, it's not clear whether the multilingual GooglePlay app - "About Ebola" (which was created last April, and mentioned in a previous posting on this blog) - is counted as part of this effort. Another GooglePlay app, SenStopEbola, which is evidently related to the initiative on Facebook, was mentioned as having Wolof content, but again, no information on how it has figured in wider efforts.

The national languages of Senegal

Of the 38 languages of Senegal, the six most widely spoken - Wolof, Pulaar, Seser, Soninke, Malinke, and Jola - were denoted "national languages" first by presidential decree in 1971, and are specifically named as such in the Senegalese constitution of 2001. The constitution allows for other national languages once "codified" (which includes establishing an "official" standardized orthography).

From 2001, the policy has been to expand the number of national languages, and to that end, several others were codified by 2002: Hassaniya Arabic; Balanta; Bassari (a.k.a. Oniyan); Manjaku; Mankanya; Noon; and Saafi (a.k.a. Safen). Codification of others has apparently proceeded since then.

The result is three "groups" of Senegalese languages that reflect history and number of speakers (without implying a hierarchy of value):

• Those recognized early as national languages, which tend to have the largest numbers of speakers, and for which there is some notable amount of written material.
• Those codified more recently, but which still need further research 
• Those still needing further study towards codification.

Such a grouping of languages in a multilingual state might be a useful parameter to consider when planning out messaging on health topics such as ebola, or other development communication. The first group is readily used, with standard orthography, perhaps also having resources available to consult on the subject area involved - and it reaches the largest number of people. It may be possible even to work on materials outside of the country. The second group may require more effort, including consultation with experts in country. The third may require work mainly on the local level, and where there is not time to develop a standard orthography, use of phonetic transcriptions.

The experience in Senegal may have followed the above to a degree, but further information is needed. In any event, the first group is divided between Wolof, which was widely used, and the other 5 established national languages, which presumably had varying use (ebola info in Pulaar was on the web, for instance, and the others were  probably used on community radio).

Spelling again

As a small contribution to review of ebola materials, the ebola poster in Wolof above has one apparent misspelling - "Fagaroul" - with the French "ou" taking the place of the Wolof "u." It is interesting to note, however, that the same title and spelling is used on the French version of the poster (i.e., a Wolof title, with French influenced spelling, on a French language ebola poster).

Keeping African languages out of African schools?

Humiliation of Ugandan students who speak their mother tongue in school, and Malawi's recent decision to move to an English-only instruction policy, reflect the continued low status of African languages in African education. In much of Africa, the first languages of students are formally excluded from African schools by national policies, and/or accorded low or even negative value in school culture. In the extreme, this situation can be seen in terms of denial of human rights (per work by Tove Skutnabb-Kangas), but in any event seems to run contrary to ample research on the benefits of  learning in the mother tongue and of bilingual education.

"Why are schools punishing children for speaking African languages?"

Punishment for speaking Luganda at school.
Image from Facebook via ThisisAfrica.me.

A recent article by writer and lawyer Bwesigye bwa Mwesigire called attention to ongoing practices in some Ugandan schools of humiliating students who speak African languages. A particular example is requiring students caught speaking a language other than English to wear a sack, until they catch one of their peers transgressing the English-only rule, who will then have to wear the sack.

This is not a new linguistic human rights issue, nor a practice limited to one country. It extends back to colonial rule, though enforcement of "no vernacular" has evidently moved from corporal punishment by teachers to humiliation and enforcement by students. I previously mentioned this in a 2008 blog posting entitled "Burning textbooks, beating schoolchildren."

New "English-only" policy in Malawi

In a decision made last March by then Malawian Minister of Education, Lucious Kanyumba, changed Malawi's longstanding bilingual education policy to one where students will be taught in English only from day one of their schooling. The stated object of the change, which is now implemented, was to improve English language levels of students.

Previous language of instruction policy (per a 2000 paper by Henri G. Chilora) had all students learning in the national language Chichewa for the first four grades, and then shifting to English. However this policy, adopted in 1968, had the effect of eliminating other Malawian languages from schools (see Chilora's paper, and one by Misheck Dickson Issa and Shoko Yamada on perceptions of language of instruction policy).

The decision to move to English-only has been controversial, with arguments against it citing advantages of MTB/MLE, lack of teachers prepared to instruct in English, and questions about equating good English with good education. It elicited an early protest from students of Chancellor College. A good summary of the debate - which begins by acknowledging the students' action - is provided by Steve Sharra (a later version of this article was highlighted by Ndesanjo Macha in his blog).

A study by Helen Abadzi, Radhika Iyengar, Alia Karim and Florie Chagwira of Columbia University's Center on Globalization and Sustainable Development found that even if the goal of education was good English, it would make sense to begin teaching reading in children's first languages (which happen to be written with orthographies where letters have more consistent values than in English).

Language of instruction policy in Malawi has moved away from use of its children's first languages in stages - first using only Chichewa (national language, first language of a majority, and also a second language for some number) in the name of national unity, and now to only English (official language, first language of almost no one, and a second language for some number) in the name of better job opportunities.

Language of Instruction (LoI) in Uganda and Malawi

In the process of researching this blog post, I came across an article (actually a book chapter) that examines and compares language in education policies in the two countries mentioned above: Ismail S. Gyagenda and Wardah M. Rajab-gyagenda, "Examining Ugandan and Malawian Language of Instruction Policies From a Linguistic Human Rights Perspective," in Zehlia Babaci-Wilhite, ed., Giving Space to African Voices: Rights in Local Languages and Local Curriculum (SensePublishers, Rotterdam, 2014). For now I'll just pass on the reference, but one passage from the content available online leaves us with a relevant perspective and question:

"In the human rights approach [to language policy], language is a manifestation of one's identity and cannot be willy-nilly suppressed without deep educational consequences for the students as well as society in general. How do the LoI policies of Uganda and Malawi over the years fare within this human rights perspective?"

Writing Bambara right

How to compose text in the Latin-based orthography of the Bambara language of Mali? One question raised by an ebola poster in non-standard Bambara (see previous posting) is whether the modified letters (technically "extended characters") in the Bambara alphabet  discourage use of the standard orthography. There are two potential issues - fonts and keyboards - although noting use of standard Bambara in other materials, these are not the impediment they once were. I'll briefly discuss both below, after a quick intro to written Bambara.

Bambara orthography

The Bambara alphabet today includes the following characters:

a  b  c  d  e  ɛ  f  g  h  i  j  k  l  m  n  ɲ  ŋ  o  ɔ  p  r  s  t  u  w  y  z

Digraph consonants (two letters to represent one sound) have been phased out of use, such that "ny" is now "ɲ" (in Senegalese orthography this would be "ñ"). However, "sh" is still used - although the IPA borrowing for this sound - "ʃ" - is sometimes seen (just today noted it in an email by odd coincidence). Double vowels however are used, for words where the vowel sound is slightly prolonged.

Bambara is a tonal language. The two tones are rarely marked, but when they are, accent marks are used. (A change in the alphabet some years ago from "è" and "ò" to "ɛ" and "ɔ" permitted marking of tones with accents rather than underscores for low tone).

Fonts

Time was, the lack of fonts (and before Unicode became the dominant standard, character encoding behind the fonts and the lack of compatibility among different 8-bit fonts) presented the main problem for creating and sharing text in Bambara with the extended characters ɛ, ɲ, ŋ, and ɔ.

Font support for extended Latin characters is still uneven, though current operating systems can substitute a missing character from another font (all being encoded in Unicode). As I compose this posting, I note Blogger's default font lacking 3 of the 4 extended characters from the obvious substitution (per figure above from screenshot; background color added). On the other hand, the font for the published posting does include these characters. So no substitution is necessary.

Basically this means that most of the time, one can display the needed characters, but for aesthetic reasons, fonts that include all of those characters would be preferable. In finding fonts, it is helpful to know that the needed extended characters may be spread among several Unicode "blocks." For Bambara this means a font will have to have, in addition to the basic Latin blocks common to any font with Latin characters, the following extended blocks:

• Latin Extended-A (Ŋ, ŋ)
• Latin Extended-B (Ɛ, Ɲ, Ɔ)
• IPA Extensions (ɛ, ɲ, ɔ)
• Combining Diacritic Marks (if tone marking is needed)

Latin Extended-A is fairly common in fonts, but not the other three above. (If needed, the "ʃ" and its capital form would be covered by the IPA and Extended-B ranges.)

Alan Wood's extensive list of "Unicode character ranges and the Unicode fonts that support them" is an excellent resource for finding fonts for specific Unicode ranges. (Sill looking for a resource that would allow one to choose several Unicode blocks and get a list of fonts that cover them.)

Keyboards

Since display of extended characters is no longer the impediment it used to be, the big issue now seems to be how to efficiently compose text with extended characters that are not supported by computer keyboards (i.e., not via inserting symbol in a wordprocessor or cutting and pasting characters from another source). This means use of alternative keyboard drivers or onscreen keyboards or character pickers.

In the latter category, there are a couple of websites worth noting. In both, one types from one's keyboard and then clicks on extended characters, producing text onscreen that can be copied and pasted elsewhere:

• Lexilogos has a page for Bambara, featuring a window where one can type basic Lain characters and then click on the extended ones onscreen (and diacritics for accents).
• Richard Ishida has a more complex IPA Character Picker enabling input of many more extended Latin characters.

Keyboard drivers enable one to use one's existing keyboard in any application. These generally use either Tavultesoft Keyman or Microsoft Keyboard Layout Creator (MSKLC). A short list of links to current keyboard drivers useful for composing in Bambara follows (with thanks to Valentin Vydrin, who shared this on the Translating Hope list). I'll add to this but encourage comments with additional information:

• Via Mali Pense site (see under "ÉCRIRE LE BAMBARA - ka bamanankan sɛbɛn"). Note also a spell checker ("vérificateur orthographique"; see under "POUR ÉCRIRE SANS FAUTES - Fililatilennan sɛbɛnni na")
• Via LLACAN site (see under "Saisir des caractères spéciaux sous windows.")

Does spelling matter in Bambara ebola materials?

International SOS ebola poster in Bambara

A Bambara version of an ebola information poster - one of a number of translations of an original done by International SOS - shows why review of technical health materials translated into or composed in African languages is necessary (per "2Ds & 4Rs"). While giving due credit for the translation, it is also important for the common ultimate goal of communicating about ebola in the most widely spoken language in Mali to offer constructive criticism towards improving this product and guiding similar efforts.

In the case of this poster, it is immediately apparent that the standard Bambara orthography is not used. This is important since the standard orthography is used in adult literacy, some primary education, and various publications including on ebola and other health related topics. In a previous posting on this blog - "More on standard orthographies of African languages"- I discussed in more detail the reasons to respect and make use of the alphabets and rules of spelling adopted in many African countries for writing their languages. In the case of critically important health information on a deadly virus, adherence to standard ways of writing, as well as to as much standard terminology as there may be, would seem obligatory.

The resolution of the poster available at this time (from an image accompanying a tweet embedded below, which also includes a French version) is not sufficient to review the content in detail, but is is possible to provide some tentative revisions to the headings (see below the embedded tweet).

Comment se proteger d'#Ebola? Voici des conseils en Francais et Bambara pic.twitter.com/pgMJu4bElr
— Andrew Young (@AYoungDiplomat) October 29, 2014

Proposed revisions

Here are the original headings from the poster followed by tentative revisions. In this I have relied on my rusty knowledge of Bambara with reference to the online dictionary at Bambara.org. Any corrections or better renditions are invited:

• EBOLA BAANA
• EBOLA BANA

(NB- Doubled vowels are pronounced differently than single ones. "Baana" by itself may mean "rich person," although the context here would tell one that what is meant is "bana"=disease.)

• EBOLA YE MOUBANAYE, ABE DJENSE TIOGODI?
• EBOLA YE MUN BANA YE, A BƐ JƐNSƐN COGO DI?

(NB- Clear influence of French orthography - further comment below)

• ABANA BE DON TIOGODI?
• A BANA BƐ DƆN COGO DI?

(NB- Bambara has a 7 vowel system; "ɛ" and "ɔ" are different from "e" and "o")

• KA EBOLA KOUNBEN ANI I BEN MUKE NI IBANA NA?
• KA EBOLA KUNBƐN ANI I BƐ MUN KƐ NI I BANANA? [or ... N'I BANANA?]

(NB- Some issues with nasalized terminal vowels, which are indicated with an "n" following:  "bɛ" is generally not written with a terminal "n", but it may be that the writer hears the open-e ("ɛ") as nasalized; on the other hand, "mun" [what] is written with a terminal "n", though in common speech, the nasalization may not be heard. Also, "ni i" [if you] is often contracted as "n'i".)

Bambara in French orthography?

It is possible to write Bambara (or any language for that matter) in French orthography. The New York Times, for instance, used the French spelling of the Bambara and Manding term "jatigiya" (basically meaning hospitality)  - "diatiguiya" - in two recent stories on ebola in Mali (on Nov. 10 and Nov. 12). And it is true that Bambara speakers schooled only in French (which for long has been the general rule in Mali) may resort to orthographic rules of the latter when transcribing their first language - although it should be pointed out that this often results in different spellings based on the user's hearing and rendering of sounds. This juxtaposition of a language (Bambara) with a historically recent standardized written form, and a large number of the literate population taught only in a second language (French), raises legitimate questions about how best to render Bambara in print for ebola messaging.

However the fact that Mali has chosen a particular orthography (much like that used for similar Manding languages in neighboring countries in the region), and that people taught to read the language have been taught in this orthography, would support using this system rather than one based on French phonetics. Keep in mind that people taught to read Bambara in adult literacy classes or in mother tongue based bilingual schools would likely be in villages where they could read the material - aloud i necessary for any community members who cannot read it.

As an example of use of the Bambara orthography, note the translation of an ebola factsheet done by the Dokotoro Project and the Mali Health Organizing Project, which was highlighted in an earlier posting on this blog.

International SOS ebola poster in Yoruba

I also should note here that Bambara can also be written in the N'Ko alphabet, and that there are people literate in that instead or as well. Altogether this is a complicated situation similar to that in the rest of the multilingual West African region, but not one so complex as to make use of first languages and local lingua francas like Bambara in their written forms problematic for implementation.

Better localization also means pants

Translation also needs to be accompanied by attention to cultural appropriateness of the material and also, where images are involved, the visual literacy of the audience. Together, these considerations are part of full "localization" of material. It is worth noting in this context that when Translators Without Borders produced localizations of the same International SOS ebola posters in Nigerian languages, they added pants to the figures (which although abstract, appear in the original to be dressed only in t-shirts). A revised Bambara version should probably follow suit.

(For a discussion of technical aspects of producing text documents in Bambara, see the next posting: "Writing Bambara right." For two other translations of the same poster, which use standard Bambara, see:  "Two more ebola posters in Bambara." For a similar issue with a poster translated into the related Malinke language, see: "Does spelling matter in Malinke ebola materials?")

Uganda ebola posters, in which languages?

Here are three ebola posters from Uganda - produced by the Health Promotion and Education Division of the Ministry of Health - for which I'm requesting help to identify the languages. Have had no luck with other channels so will post here and hope for input from a wider audience.

The three were part of a 3-page PDF document, which I converted into separate image files (these were also posted on Twitter):

1. Yega ebindi ebikwataine na EBOLA

 

2. Omanya ebikwete aha EBOLA

 

 3. Minya binene'bihambengene okwa EBOLA

There was a suggestion on Twitter by @IndigenousTweet that the language of the third one is Olukonzo.

Please feel free to add a comment if you can identify the languages of any of the three. 

Addendum (13 Nov. 2014)

A tweet from @IndigenousTweet offers tentative identification of the languages:

@donosborn In the absence of more reliable responses, here are my best guesses: p1 Rutooro (ttj), p2 Lusoga (xog), p3 Olukonzo (koo)
— Indigenous Tweets (@IndigenousTweet) November 11, 2014

• Rutooro is one of four closely related languages of southwestern Uganda, for which a common standardized version - Runyakitara - has been developed. It's worth checking whether the poster is actually in Runyakitara.
• Lusoga is spoken in southern Uganda, to the east of the area where Luganda (to which it is closely related) dominates.
• Olukonzo is also spoken in southwest Uganda and apparently also across the border in DRC.

A follow on question is whether these three posters are actually a subset of a larger number of translations with other Ugandan languages. (Am seeking more info, which I'll post when available.)

Time for a Krio Wikipedia?

According to a recent tweet, one of the speakers at the recently concluded Localization World Conference in Vancouver (29-31 Oct. 2014), pointed out a specific need in the area of African language Wikipedia editions:

Henderson: Wikipedia does not have the infrastructure to support Creole. A language most widely used in #Ebola hit countries. #locworld
— Gary Lefman (@CiscoL10N) October 31, 2014

The speaker was probably referring to Krio, a creole language that is the most widely spoken lingua franca in Sierra Leone. In my limited understanding, the pidgin forms of Liberian English spoken in Liberia, however, are not the same, even as they share some characteristics. None of the above are spoken significantly in Guinea, the third country in West Africa most impacted by the ebola epidemic.

Nevertheless, this raises an important issue, since Krio is a language with a written form that is said to be spoken by 90% of Sierra Leoneans. It is evidently already used in at least some kinds of ebola communication, and would be a logical immediate focus for developing and disseminating further information on ebola and other health topics.

A response to the above tweet informs us that there is already the foundation of a Wikipedia edition in Krio:

@CiscoL10N @donosborn there is a Krio incubator http://t.co/vIsj12p75C if there's enough activity it can become a full fledged Wikipedia
— Denis Jacquerye (@moyogo) November 3, 2014

So the next question is how to encourage development of this nascent Krio Wikipedia? Perhaps starting with ebola and other health-related info via the WikiProject Medicine's Translation Task Force and the Ebola translation task force?